#migrations

The automated Fortress Europe : No place for human rights

29,000 people have died in the Mediterranean over the past ten years while trying to reach the EU. You would think that the EU wanted this tragedy to stop and scientists across Europe were working feverishly on making this happen with the latest technology. The opposite is the case: With the help of so-called Artificial Intelligence, digital border walls are being raised, financed with taxpayers’ money.

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Drones, satellites, and other digital monitoring systems: For decades, the EU’s external borders have been upgraded with state-of-the-art surveillance technology to create so-called smart borders. Now, algorithms and Artificial Intelligence are increasingly adding to the wall.

Their development is funded with millions of euros by EU research programs with names like Horizon 2020 or Horizon Europe. The funded projects read like a catalog of surveillance technologies. Instead of trying to save people from losing their lives, they put all of us in danger.

It doesn’t come as a surprise that most initiatives are kept secret. The public learns next to nothing about them. Law enforcement and border authorities prefer not to be bothered with giving insights into their work. They try to avoid a democratic debate about the research and development of this sort of AI-driven surveillance technology.
WE FOUND OUT ABOUT WHAT THE EU PREFERS TO KEEP OUT OF THE PUBLIC’S EYE

When we asked for information on research projects in which such systems are being developed, we received many responses that wouldn’t give us any substantial information.

The European Research Executive Agency (REA) is mandated by the EU Commission to fund and manage innovative projects in virtually all areas of research, including Horizon 2020. Still, the REA isn’t particularly outspoken about their research projects.

We had tried, for example, to obtain details about the ROBORDER project‘s “methodology applied for the evaluation of the system performance” through access to information requests. At first, we were denied it in reference to the “protection of the public interest as regards public security.” The identity and affiliation of individuals involved in the ethics review process would also not be shared, to protect their “privacy and integrity.” REA also cited “commercial interests” and the protection of intellectual property as lawful grounds to refuse disclosure: “releasing this information into public domain would give the competitors of the consortium an unfair advantage, as the competitors would be able to use this sensitive commercial information in their favour.” These reasons given to us to avoid disclosure were common reactions to all the requests we sent out. But in the end, REA did provide us with information on the methodology.

More transparency is urgently needed. ROBORDER aims at developing unmanned vehicles to patrol EU borders, capable of operating in swarms. Such capabilities would most likely be of interest to the military as well. In fact, research by AlgorithmWatch and ZDF Magazin Royale shows that in a market analysis conducted within the ROBORDER project, “military units” have been identified as potential users of the system. Documents we obtained show that members of the research team met with prospective officers of the Greek Navy to introduce the ROBORDER system.

Military applications would exclude ROBORDER from Horizon 2020 funding, which is reserved for civilian applications. However, an EU Commission’s spokesperson said that the mere fact that a “military audience” was also chosen to disseminate the project does not “per se call into question the exclusively civilian application of the activities carried out within the framework of this project.”

The ROBORDER project was executed as planned until its scheduled end in 2021. Its output contributed to later projects. At a national level, one is REACTION, which is funded by the EU’s Border Management and Visa Instrument and coordinated by the Greek Ministry of Immigration and Asylum. AlgorithmWatch and ZDF Magazin Royale tried to ask the Greek research center CERTH – which coordinated ROBORDER and is now working on REACTION – what results or components exactly were adopted, but we didn’t get an answer.

Due to our persistence, we managed to obtain documents for various EU-funded projects. Some of them we received were so heavily redacted that it was impossible to get an idea what they were about. The grant agreement and the annexes to the NESTOR project contained 169 consecutive redacted pages.
JUST ANOTHER BRICK IN THE AUTOMATED WALL

An automated Fortress Europe would also impact everyone’s rights, since the technology it facilitates allows governments to find out everything about us.

How do they do it, you ask? By using face recognition, for example, and by reducing your identity to your face and other measurable biometric features. Faces can be captured and analyzed by increasingly sophisticated biometric recognition systems. In the D4FLY project, they combine “2D+thermal facial, 3D facial, iris and somatotype biometrics.” In projects such as iBorderCtrl, they examine emotions and “micro-expressions,” fleeting facial expressions that last only fractions of a second, to assess whether travelers are lying to (virtual) border officials. That way, risk assessments are automatically created, which could lead to stricter security checks at EU borders.

Such EU-funded projects are designed to digitalize, computerize, and automate human mobility. The EU envisions a future where law-abiding travelers enjoy uninterrupted freedom, while “risky” people are automatically flagged for further checks.

As Frontex’ deputy executive director, Uku Särekanno, put it in a recent interview: „What comes next is a very serious discussion on automation. We are looking into how, in the next five to ten years, we can have more automated border crossings and a more seamless travel experience.”

According to various scientists, this is the result of over two decades’ work, ultimately leading to total remote surveillance and thus to a perfect panoptic society, in which we are utterly dominated by such digital technologies and the underlying logic of security policy.

WHAT IS IT GOOD FOR? SKIMMING THROUGH THE SURVEILLANCE CATALOGUE

Checking people requires time and resources. Therefore, some projects aim to automatically “relieve” border officials, which means make them auxiliaries for automated systems that are falsely assumed to be more objective or reliable.

Automated systems are supposed to detect “abnormal behavior,” increase “situation awareness,” and derive real-time information and predictions ("nowcasts") from multiple sensors attached to individuals, groups, but also freighters or other vehicles. Migration movements are to be predicted algorithmically, by analyzing Google Trends data, content on social media platforms such as Facebook and X (formerly Twitter), and “quantitative (geo-located) indicators of telephone conversations.” But such automated systems can’t replace political decisions by taking available data and leaving the decision to algorithms. The decisions have to be justified. Political decisions are also not only a byproduct of technological solutions and have to be put first.

Risks become apparent by looking at the ITFLOWS project’s EuMigraTool. It includes “monthly predictions of asylum applications in the EU” and is supposed to “identify the potential risks of tensions between migrants and EU citizens” by providing “intuitions” on the “attitudes towards migration” in the EU using “Twitter Sentiment Analysis model data as input”. The very project’s Users Board, in which organizations such as the Red Cross and Oxfam are represented, warned in a statement against misuse, “misuse could entail closing of borders, instigating violence, and misuse for political purposes to gain support and consensus for an anti-migration policy.” The tool was developed nonetheless.

In these EU-funded projects, people on the move are constantly portrayed as a threat to security. The FOLDOUT project explicates this core premise in all frankness: “in the last years irregular migration has dramatically increased,” therefore it was “no longer manageable with existing systems.” Law enforcement and border agencies now assume that in order to “stay one step ahead” of criminals and terrorists, automation needs to become the norm, especially in migration-related contexts.

FRONTEX: IT’S EVERYWHERE

A driving force in border security is also one of the main customers: Frontex. Founded in 2004, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency has played an increasingly important role in the EU’s research and innovation projects in recent years. The agency’s budget has increased by 194 percent compared to the previous budget, and by an incredible 13,200 percent in the last 20 years. But Frontex’ influence goes far beyond the money at its disposal. The agency intervened to “help,” "actively participate in," and “push forward” several Horizon 2020 projects, addressing “a wide spectrum of technological capabilities critical for border security,” including Artificial Intelligence, augmented reality, or virtual reality.

In 2020, the agency formalized their collaboration with the EU Commission’s Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs (DG-HOME). It allowed Frontex to provide assistance to DG-HOME “in the areas of programming, monitoring and the uptake of projects results.” The agency is now responsible for “identifying research activities,” evaluating research proposals, and the supervision of the Horizon Europe research projects’ “operational relevance.”

The agency therefore joined EU-funded projects trials, demonstrations, and workshops, held events involving EU-funded projects, and even created a laboratory (the Border Management Innovation Centre, BoMIC) to help implement EU-funded projects in border security. This is complemented with Frontex’s own “Research Grants Programme”, whose first call for proposals was announced in November 2022, to “bring promising ideas from the lab to real applications in border security.”
HOW IS THIS SUPPOSED TO BECOME REALITY?

The NESTOR project promises “an entirely functional, next-generation, comprehensive border surveillance system offering pre-frontier situational awareness beyond sea and land borders.” The system is based on optical, thermal imaging, and radio frequency spectrum analysis technologies. Such data will be “fed by an interoperable sensors network” comprised of both stationary installations and mobile manned or unmanned vehicles (that can operate underwater, on water surfaces, on the ground, or in the air). The vehicles are also capable of functioning in swarms. This allows for detecting, recognizing, classifying, and tracking “moving targets” such as persons, vessels, vehicles, or drones. A “Border Command, Control, and Coordination intelligence system” would adopt “cutting-edge Artificial Intelligence and Risk Assessment technologies”, fusing “in real-time the surveillance data in combination with analysis of web and social media data.”

The key term here is “pre-frontier awareness.” According to the EU, “pre-frontier” refers to “the geographical area beyond the external borders which is relevant for managing the external borders through risk analysis and situational awareness.” Or, to put it bluntly: the very notion of “border” ultimately dissolves into whatever the authorities want it to mean.
CONCLUSION: ONLY FEW BENEFIT FROM THE AUTOMATED EU FORTRESS AND YOU ARE DEFINITELY NOT ONE OF THEM.

The list of projects could go on and on (see the box below), but you get the EU’s gist: They perceive migrants as a threat and want to better protect their borders from them by constantly improving automation and ever-increasing surveillance − far beyond existing borders. The EU conjures up the image of a migration “crisis” that we can only hope to end through technological solutions.

This belief is extensively and increasingly affirmed and shaped by the border and coast guard community in lockstep with the surveillance and security industries, as has been well documented. But it threatens social justice, non-discrimination, fairness, and a basic respect of fundamental rights. “Ethics assessments” only scratch at the surface of the complexity of automating migration. The systems will be developed anyway, even if the assessments fundamentally question whether the systems’ use can be justified at all. Many of these projects should not have been funded in the first place, so they should not be pursued.

▻https://algorithmwatch.org/en/automated-fortress-europe
#AI #IA #intelligence_artificielle #migrations #réfugiés #contrôles_frontaliers #mur_digital #frontières_digitales #technologie #drones #satellites #frontières_intelligentes #smart_borders #Horizon_2020 #Horizon_Europe #surveillance #complexe_militaro-industriel #European_Research_Executive_Agency (#REA) #recherche #ROBORDER #REACTION #Border_Management_and_Visa_Instrument #CERTH #Grèce #NESTOR #biométrie #D4FLY #iBorderCtrl #Frontex #ITFLOWS #risques #EuMigraTool #FOLDOUT #pré-frontière

ping @reka

A Sliver of Hope on the Deadly Route to the Canary Islands

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In Western Sahara, one local aid association has pioneered new ways to keep migrants from making the journey.

“Papa Africa, Papa Africa,” calls a voice in an alleyway in Laayoune, Western Sahara’s largest city, as #Abdelkebir_Taghia walks past fish stalls. Since 2005, this Moroccan of Sahrawi origin, now in his 50s, has devoted all his free time to helping and protecting migrants who try to reach Europe by crossing the murderous Atlantic Ocean from the Sahara region to the Canary Islands. In the process, he gained his nickname and established himself as one of the few indispensable direct observers of migration in this area. Official data is scarce here, hampered by a lack of access to migrants’ points of departure in a huge and sparsely populated region where one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts, over the status of Western Sahara, rumbles on.

In 2023, “The Atlantic route to the Canary Islands was once again the deadliest migratory region in the world,” according to #Caminando_Fronteras, a Spanish nongovernmental organization that defends human rights in border regions. It reports that just over 6,000 people died on the “Canary route” over the year, including hundreds of children and many on makeshift boats that disappeared without a trace. Taghia cooperates with Caminando Fronteras to try and count the number of victims and missing persons who leave from the Sahara coast. An estimated 1,418 of those who died during the crossing in 2023 set off from this stretch of coastline, on a route mostly taken at the end of a long and often violent migration process.

Since 2017, the number of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Palestine, Syria and Yemen seeking to cross the ocean here has continued to rise, as the authorities have increased controls at the usual crossing points in northern Morocco. Migration is documented mainly on the arrivals side, by the Spanish Ministry of the Interior, which counts almost 40,000 migrants as having landed in the Canary Islands in 2023. In January 2024 alone, more than 7,270 migrants arrived in the archipelago, according to data from the Spanish authorities, over 10 times the number in January 2023.

Over many years, and with modest resources, Taghia has set up the only migrant aid association in #Laayoune, covering the whole region. It raises awareness of the dangers of crossing and offers an alternative, facilitating integration into the local society and organizing discussion workshops for migrant women. “In the Sahara, Rabat, Marrakech or Tangiers, everyone knows me as Papa Africa. Since 2014, with my team, I’ve been able to help 7,000-8,000 people in the region. Looking back, I can’t believe it,” says Taghia, who is always the first to open the door of his association in the morning. The premises were set up in 2016, in a working-class district of the city near to the ocean, helped by the Catholic charity federation Caritas Internationalis and subsidies from the Moroccan government. The main hall, where a poster reads “Solidarity is not a crime, it’s a duty!” is crowded all day long. “We chose to be in the immediate vicinity of where the migrants live. Our aim has always been to focus on the most vulnerable population. It’s important to give them a place to express themselves, with all that they have endured during their migration,” he explains.

Historically, the region is a crossroads of cultures and peoples, and in the surrounding area the local population rubs shoulders with Wolofs, Peuls, Mauritanians and Ivoirians. “We’ve always been used to seeing Black people here. There is less racism than in the north of the country. The locals rent flats to migrants, which is not the case elsewhere in Morocco,” Taghia says, as he sips a Touba coffee from Senegal, the only one to be found in the neighborhood. Pointing to several flags of African and Middle Eastern countries on a shelf in the main room, the humanitarian estimates that between 15,000 and 18,000 migrants are currently in Laayoune.

The desert area of Western Sahara is bordered to the east by a front line between Morocco and the Sahrawi nationalist Polisario Front, known as the “wall of sands,” and to the west by the Atlantic Ocean. The varied and shifting behavior of migrants in this area makes it hard to ascertain their numbers: Some decide to settle and make Morocco their home, some make the crossing and others wait to cross. And the crossings depart from a wild coastline — a sort of no-man’s-land — stretching as far as the eye can see, for more than 680 miles. This expanse offers illegal immigrants a multitude of possible departure zones when night falls, as they hope to reach the Canary Islands, the small Spanish archipelago that has become the new gateway to the European Union.

Throughout the year, Taghia roams the coastline of dunes falling into the ocean, from Tarfaya in the north to Dakhla in the south, reaching out to migrants preparing to cross and making them aware of the dangers of the ocean. “We don’t encourage them to make the crossing because it’s too dangerous. They think that the Canaries are not far away, but the weather conditions are difficult, hence the many shipwrecks,” he says.

The vastness of the coastal strip facilitates the departure of makeshift boats from scattered crossing points. In places, it is sometimes possible to see the lights coming from the Spanish islands on a fine day. At the closest point, in the Tarfaya region, the Moroccan coast is 62 miles from the Canaries — a mere stone’s throw, but across some of the world’s most dangerous waters for migrants.

As Caminando Fronteras outlines in its recent report, migrants’ chances for survival on this route are strongly affected by relations between Morocco and Spain. Morocco has sought to use its willingness to oversee migration routes to gain recognition for its control of the region and its waters, and in 2023 the Spanish search and rescue agency Salvamento Maritimo did effectively recognize Moroccan control of the route by distributing maps drawn up by the kingdom. Rescues are delayed as the Spanish authorities encourage Morocco to take responsibility for migrants at sea, adding to the dangers faced by those making the crossing.

The flow of migrants taking the route from both Western Sahara and from the West African coast in general to the Canaries began in the 1990s and intensified in 2006 with the “pirogue crisis,” when thousands attempted the crossing from the coasts of Senegal and Mauritania to the Canaries, spurred by conflicts in several countries, tightening border controls at Ceuta and Melilla and the collapse of traditional fisheries under pressure from intensive fishing practices. This period coincided with the start of Taghia’s humanitarian involvement. “My commitment began some 20 years ago, when I was drinking coffee with friends here in this local cafe. At the time, next to this cafe, there was a detention center where migrants were held after being rescued at sea. They had just come out of the water, still wet, and they were going to be sent straight back to Mauritania at that point,” he remembers, adding: “I couldn’t stand by and do nothing. At the beginning, in 2005, I started to help by simply collecting and distributing clothes and food. It wasn’t as structured as it is today with the association premises. There was no help for immigrants, and nobody understood why we were helping them.”

From 2017, the association was able to observe an increase in the arrival of migrants seeking to cross to the Canaries. “First, the Moroccan authorities blocked departures in northern Morocco. Then, in Libya, migrants are victims of rape and human trafficking. And recently, in Tunisia, the authorities abandoned them in the desert. More and more migrants are leaving here, despite the risks of the fatal ocean,” he explains. But these are not the only reasons that people continue to come. “The flow increased enormously during and after the COVID crisis. With the problem of building sites and shops closing all over the world, and particularly in Africa, this has led to a loss of jobs,” he adds. With the number of crossings on the increase, the watchword at the association’s office is “raising awareness” of the dangers involved.

Taghia has surrounded himself with volunteers: two women, Aicha Sallasylla and Diara Thiam, and two men, Aboubakar Ndiaye and Abdou Ndiaye, all from Senegal. This team is a symbol of what Taghia has achieved over the past 20 years. Some of those now working with him considered the crossing to Europe themselves. It was after meeting Taghia that they decided to stay in Laayoune to help prevent further deaths and to try to help others envisage a future in Morocco like their own.

Every morning, the group gathers in the meeting room to plan the tasks ahead and take stock of the weather situation, worrying about the survival of any migrants who might take to the ocean. “When we are confronted with dozens of corpses, regularly, we have to take the lead. We must raise awareness among young people so that they take the necessary measures. People’s lives are important, which is why we turn to community leaders. But some of them are smugglers, so our message doesn’t always get through,” says Taghia, who organizes the monthly awareness campaigns with Thiam. According to Taghia, nearly 1 in 10 of the boats run aground. Sallasylla, a volunteer with the association who wanted to cross in the past, says: “Clandestine migration is financed by family investments. Relatives sell their land to get to Europe, hoping to be able to pay off the journey. By the time they get here, it’s often too late, because they’ve already taken out a loan with a bank or their family.” “Cross or die” is the migrants’ motto. In debt or under family pressure, migrants feel they have no choice but to continue their journey. “All this encourages people to leave. And we can only convince two or three people out of 10,” she admits.

Not far from Laayoune, Taghia and Abdou walk along an endless sandy beach. They usually come here when there is a risk of shipwreck, hoping to find survivors. They are close; Taghia saved Abdou from his attempted crossings. Abdou, 38, has since become a volunteer with the association. “This beach was a starting point, but now the gendarmes are on the lookout,” he says, pointing to soldiers on patrol. The two men watch the sunset over the Atlantic Ocean, worried.

Over the last few days, as is often the case, dozens of people have gone missing in the open sea. Abdou shows a message on his phone: “SOS in the Atlantic! We were alerted to the presence of a boat with 47 people in distress coming from Tarfaya. We lost contact 42 hours ago. To date, we’ve had no news.” It was sent by Alarm Phone, a group of volunteers offering telephone assistance to people in distress in the Mediterranean, the Aegean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, with whom the association works. Testimonies from families and alerts from civilians in the departure areas are vital to the rescue operation. “When we receive these alerts, we share the GPS coordinates of the last known positions with the Moroccan maritime forces,” Taghia explains.

On the beach, Abdou discusses the mechanisms of clandestine migration in the light of his own story, under Taghia’s benevolent gaze. Abdou has tried to cross three times. He entered Morocco illegally in 2012 and for three years he worked in fish-freezing factories. Every year, at the time of Eid el-Kebir, a public holiday, Abdou traveled to Tangiers with friends, with a single goal in mind: the crossing to Europe. Each time they arrived in northern Morocco, Abdou and his friends tried to find a so-called “captain” to take them out to sea. “The captains are often sub-Saharan fishermen who want to immigrate. The fishermen don’t pay for the journey, and in exchange, they guide us out to sea. It’s a win-win situation,” Abdou confides, adding: “In the north of Morocco, we can’t use motorboats, because we don’t want to make noise and be spotted. So, we paddle.” Abdou was arrested twice in a forest before he had even touched water, and the third time at sea.

In 2015, Abdou found a new job in a factory in El Marsa, a few miles from Laayoune: “That’s where I heard about Papa Africa. Since then, it has given meaning to my life, by giving me the opportunity to help people,” Abdou says, looking out over the ocean. Taghia, moved, replies: “You have to have love and desire. You must know how to live for others.” Since then, Abdou has decided to save lives alongside Papa Africa, a commitment that has earned him respect and turned him into an unofficial leader of the Senegalese community in Laayoune.

hile the association works to save lives, others take advantage of the “European dream” and turn it into a business. “There are two kinds of prices for the Canaries: the ‘classic pack’ for which you pay $550 on departure and $2,100 on arrival. And then there’s the ‘guaranteed’ option, which costs $3,200 if you arrive at your destination,” explains Abdou. It’s a financial windfall for the local mafia and the smugglers. A small 9-meter Zodiac inflatable boat carrying 58 people can make $150,000. According to our information, the people at the head of the networks are Moroccan nationals. They never physically move. They organize the clandestine crossings from their homes and instruct the sub-Saharan smugglers to bring the Zodiacs to the beach.

For Taghia and Abdou, this illegal business is distressing: “It hurts us to see people dying. We are eyewitnesses to these tragedies. We regularly see inanimate bodies washed ashore. Families with no news contact me to find out if their loved ones are still alive,” Abdou says. To facilitate the search, Abdou visits the local morgues. “The family sends me a passport photo and a photo of the missing person taken in everyday life. The last time, I was able to identify a corpse in a morgue thanks to a scar on the forehead,” says Abdou.

The association’s goal of saving lives is ultimately at odds with the smugglers’ activities, and when asked if he has experience of pressure from the mafia, Taghia replies: “Not directly. But I hear things here and there.” Hundreds of criminal networks involved in migrant smuggling and human trafficking are dismantled every year by the Moroccan authorities, sponsored since 2019 by the EU and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, with a budget of 15 million euros allocated over three years for Morocco and the rest of North Africa (Egypt, Libya, Algeria and Tunisia).

In Abdou’s view, the smugglers are not the only ones responsible for the human tragedies in the Atlantic: “The European Union is guilty of these deaths. It allocates large subsidies to third countries to combat immigration. Instead of externalizing its border protection, the EU could fund humanitarian development projects or vocational training centers in the countries of departure,” he says, adding: “In Senegal, it’s mainly the fishermen who are leaving. There are no fish left because of the fishing contracts signed with China and South Korea, which practice industrial overfishing. They’ve taken everything.” According to a report published by the Foundation for Environmental Justice, almost two-thirds of Senegalese fishermen say that their income has fallen over the last five years. One of the causes of this decline is overfishing, notably the destruction of breeding grounds following the arrival of foreign industrial fishing fleets off the Senegalese coast. “In five to 10 years’ time, there won’t be any young people left in Senegal,” Abdou says.

In June 2023, the European Commission presented an EU action plan on the migratory routes of the Western Mediterranean and the Atlantic, supporting the outsourcing of border management and strengthening “the capacities of Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal and the Gambia to develop targeted actions to prevent irregular departures.” To prevent migrants from organizing themselves to make the crossing to the Canary Islands, Morocco is deploying measures to keep them away from the departure areas and move them to other towns.

In support of integrated border and migration management, Morocco received 44 million euros from the EU between December 2018 and April 2023. Yet for Taghia, the tactics funded in this way are inadequate. “Morocco has a duty to limit departures under bilateral agreements. The financial aid granted by the EU is mainly distributed to the Moroccan coast guards and security services. They mustn’t take an exclusively security-oriented approach. We need to have a long-term humanitarian vision, aimed at vocational training and the integration of migrants in their countries of origin or when they arrive here,” he says. “In Laayoune at the moment, there are arrests everywhere, because recently, following several shipwrecks that left many dead and missing, the authorities have arrested and moved migrants all over the Sahara, to keep them away from the departure areas.”

According to some witnesses in the region interviewed by New Lines, migrants are regularly subjected to police violence and forced displacement in efforts to keep them away from the departure points and dissuade them from taking to sea. New Lines was able to visit a migrants’ hostel to gather testimonies from direct victims of police violence and view several videos documenting human rights violations against migrants. To protect the victims, we will not give details of their identities or backgrounds.

A man who testified that he had been subjected to police violence on several occasions said: “During the day, we hide to avoid police raids. When the police arrive at the houses to arrest us, some of us jump off the roofs to try and escape, and some of us break a leg.” Several victims told of how these “displacement” operations to move migrants away from the departure zones are carried out. “Often, the police are in civilian clothes. When we ask to see their identity papers or badges, they hit us,” one person said. “They force us into vans or buses, then take us to a center outside Laayoune. We remain detained in unsanitary conditions for a few days until we can fill a bus with 40 to 50 people to take us to other Moroccan towns.” Measures are different for migrants rescued at sea or arrested by coastguards at the time of crossing, who are systematically incarcerated in detention centers and released after several days. “I left my country because of a political crisis, so I wanted to take refuge in Morocco. I had no intention of crossing, but the violence here might force me to take the risk,” a young woman from Ivory Coast told New Lines in tears.

Taghia has just returned from Dakhla, where he met with the Senegalese consul, installed in the coastal town in April 2021, to obtain permits for access to the detention center in Laayoune, in the hope of finding Senegalese migrants reported missing after shipwrecks or rescues, and providing news to their families. According to our information, there are four detention centers in the area: one on the outskirts of Laayoune, two in Dakhla and one in Tan-Tan.

“Morocco is caught between the African countries and the European Union,” Taghia says. The Cherifian Kingdom does not wish to carry out mass expulsions of sub-Saharan immigrants to their countries of origin, which could jeopardize its strategic and diplomatic relations with the rest of Africa. In this context, from 2014 the Moroccan government adopted a new comprehensive national strategy called “immigration and asylum,” aimed at regularizing the situation of irregular migrants present on Moroccan territory and facilitating their social integration. This initiative, partly funded by the European Union, is one of the policy levers intended to reduce the migratory flow to Europe. In January 2024, the UNHCR estimated that there were 10,280 refugees and 9,386 asylum seekers from 50 different countries in Morocco. “In Laayoune, in 2015, a Migrant Monitoring Commission was set up to facilitate access to healthcare, and regularization. But we don’t have the exact figures for the number of migrants regularized in the region, because they are not public data. The Regional Human Rights Commission and the Wilaya have helped to integrate migrants. Today, migrant children can enroll in school. And doors have started to open for humanitarian projects,” Taghia says.

“We don’t stop migration at the last minute. If someone has traveled from Guinea to Algeria and then on to Morocco, you can’t ask them to stop along the way. So, we must meet their economic needs by giving them a professional perspective here,” he says. Taghia is aware that the situation of migrants remains fragile and precarious across the region. “We would like to be able to obtain grants from the European Union to help us develop humanitarian projects like the ones we are currently setting up,” he points out. He perseveres, using his own contacts and seeking support from the Catholic Church in Laayoune. He regularly crisscrosses the city to convince companies to recruit migrants. “We’ve become a sort of employment agency,” he says with a smile. “This year, we managed to find work for 25 people who were already qualified in their country of origin. Today, they are working, for example, in gardening, mechanics or catering.”

Since 2023, he has been trying to create partnerships with local schools to provide vocational training for migrants, making it more likely that they choose to stay and avoid tragedy at sea. Amie Gueye, 28, is one of them. A Senegalese mother, she came to Morocco with her husband and two children. In the salon where she is training to become a hairdresser, she explains that the association helped to find her the opportunity.

Day after day, Abdou’s phone keeps ringing. One morning, he listens to an audio message — “I’ve arrived in Spain” — looking reassured. Abdou confides: “He’s a Burkinabe who’s had a problem with his leg since he was born. He wanted to go to Spain for treatment because, despite several operations in Burkina Faso, it wasn’t getting any better,” adding, “Like Papa Africa, my days are focused on the needs of migrants. My phone even rings at night. Yesterday, I took a woman who was about to give birth to the hospital by taxi at 3 in the morning.” The needs are regularly medical, and the association activates its personal networks to take care of the migrants. Sometimes there are happy days, like this time with the new baby, and Taghia decides to drive his team to the hospital. A rock fan, he puts on a song by an artist he likes; Sallasylla starts humming to the tune of Dire Straits’ “Sultans of Swing.” The volunteers arrive enthusiastically with gifts for the mother and baby Abdou has helped. Sallasylla dances as she enters the room, Taghia shouts “Congratulations,” while Thiam takes the newborn in her arms and exclaims: “He looks just like his brother.”

▻https://newlinesmag.com/reportage/a-sliver-of-hope-on-the-deadly-route-to-the-canary-islands

#Canaries #îles_Canaries #migrations #réfugiés #Papa_Africa #solidarité #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #route_Atlantique #Espagne #contrôles_frontaliers #Sahara_occidental #Maroc #dissuasion

#Foligno, inaugurata piazza 3 ottobre

Per ricordare le vittime delle migrazioni. Il Sindaco Mismetti: “la città ha capito che le differenze sono una ricchezza. Con l’indifferenza si creano nuovi muri, mentre noi abbiamo fatto la scelta dell’integrazione”.

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/7EHy1M0G2wQT/MCKMdcVDM6mhRIboSskVVtcpNqEMKfaVHIIMLMqX.png

“Piazzetta tre ottobre: giornata delle vittime di tutte le migrazioni”. E’ questo il nome scelto dalla Diocesi e dal Comune di Foligno per rendere incancellabili le tragedie che ancora oggi avvengono quotidianamente in tutto il mondo. C’è ancora chi in cerca di speranza e di un futuro migliore perde la propria vita. Esempio tangibile quello delle vittime in mare, che dall’Africa cercano di arrivare in Europa attraverso l’Italia. Ne sa qualcosa Tareke Brhane, presidente del Comitato 3 ottobre, uno dei superstiti della strage di Lampedusa del tre ottobre 2013.

Presente all’inaugurazione della piazza, Tareke Brhane ha ricordato che da quella data ad oggi, nelle traversate del Mediterraneo sono morte 11.400 persone. Con questo gesto Foligno vuole promuovere la realtà dell’accoglienza e dell’integrazione. “Tareke è il rappresentante di chi ha perso la voce – ha spiegato il vescovo di Foligno, Gualtiero Sigismondi -. Il primo ponte da creare tra le culture – ha poi proseguito – è quello della stretta di mano”. Per don Luigi Filippucci, è importante “affermare sempre di più la vita e dire no alla morte”, mentre la presidente del consiglio regionale Donatella Porzi ha sottolineato come “il dialogo è la prima forma di solidarietà per attuare una strategia comune”. La nuova piazzetta sorge nell’area del polo scolastico di viale Marconi.

Dopo Roma, quella di Foligno è la seconda piazza d’Italia a portare questo nome, “segno – ha affermato il sindaco Mismetti – che la città ha capito che le differenze sono una ricchezza. Con l’indifferenza – ha concluso il primo cittadino – si creano nuovi muri, mentre noi abbiamo fatto la scelta dell’integrazione”. Non solo piazzetta Tre ottobre. Nella giornata di mercoledì infatti, in viale Marconi sono stati piantati degli ulivi come simbolo di pace. Alla cerimonia erano presenti, tra gli altri, Rita Barbetti, vicesindaco, l’assessore Maura Franquillo, i consiglieri comunali, Vincenzo Falasca e Michela Matarazzi, rappresentanti delle forze dell’ordine e gli studenti delle scuole medie superiori. Atteso anche il prefetto di Perugia, che però non ha partecipato alla cerimonia.

▻http://www.perlapace.it/foligno-inaugurata-piazza-3-ottobre
#3_octobre #commémoration #migrations #toponymie #toponymie_politique #toponymie_migrante #réfugiés #mourir_en_mer #morts_en_mer #3_octobre_2023 #naufrage #Italie

Lumière sur les #financements français et européens en #Tunisie

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/XiNoSvU3HXJa/CBXmy4EAbSCCcaQBzadJ8vajfXBIlclCQURGgeAj.png

Alors que la Tunisie s’enfonce dans une violente #répression des personnes exilées et de toute forme d’opposition, le CCFD-Terre Solidaire publie un #rapport qui met en lumière l’augmentation des financements octroyés par l’Union européenne et les États européens à ce pays pour la #sécurisation de ses #frontières. Cette situation interroge la #responsabilité de l’#UE et de ses pays membres, dont la France, dans le recul des droits humains.

La Tunisie s’enfonce dans l’#autoritarisme

Au cours des deux dernières années, la Tunisie sous la présidence de #Kaïs_Saïed s’engouffre dans l’autoritarisme. En février 2023, le président tunisien déclare qu’il existe un “un plan criminel pour changer la composition démographique de la Tunisie“, en accusant des “hordes de migrants clandestins“ d’être responsables “de violences, de crimes et d’actes inacceptables“.

Depuis cette rhétorique anti-migrants, les #violences à l’encontre des personnes exilées, principalement d’origine subsaharienne, se sont exacerbées et généralisées dans le pays. De nombreuses associations alertent sur une montée croissante des #détentions_arbitraires et des #déportations_collectives vers les zones frontalières désertiques de l’#Algérie et de la #Libye.

▻https://ccfd-terresolidaire.org/lumiere-sur-les-financements-francais-et-europeens-en-tunisie
#EU #Union_européenne #externalisation_des_frontières #migrations #réfugiés #désert #abandon

ping @_kg_

Le corps d’un homme non identifié retrouvé à 2 300 mètres d’altitude

Des randonneurs à skis ont trouvé un corps ce dimanche 19 mai à Névache. Une autopsie sera diligentée.

Ce dimanche 19 mai, dans l’après-midi, un groupe de randonneurs à skis, dont un accompagnateur en montagne italien, a trouvé un corps, sous la pointe Balthazar, vers 2300 mètres d’altitude, à Névache, dans la vallée Étroite, a appris le Dauphiné Libéré.

Le corps pas encore identifié

Les secouristes du peloton de gendarmerie de haute montagne (PGHM) de Briançon se sont rendus sur place, avec les techniciens en identification criminelle de la gendarmerie de Gap, ainsi que la brigade de recherche de Briançon, à bord de l’hélicoptère de la section aérienne de gendarmerie.

Le corps n’a pour le moment pas été identifié. Il s’agit d’un homme. Selon la procureure de la République de Gap, Marion Lozac’hmeur, « une enquête en recherche des causes de la mort a été ouverte et une autopsie sera diligentée. L’enquête aura pour objectif de déterminer la période et les circonstances de la mort ».

▻https://www.ledauphine.com/faits-divers-justice/2024/05/20/le-corps-d-un-homme-non-identifie-retrouve-sous-la-pointe-balthazar

Peut-être un migrant... mais les informations ne sont pas encore claires et vérifiées...

#migrations #réfugiés #morts_aux_frontières #frontières #Névache #Hautes-Alpes #France #Italie #décès

–—

ajouté au fil de discussion sur les morts à la frontière des Hautes-Alpes :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/800822

lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts aux frontières alpines :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

Ukrainian Refugees in Switzerland: A research synthesis of what we know

The objective of this research synthesis is to collect and summarize the research literature on Ukrainian refugees in Switzerland. This is done through a systematic review, mostly in the form of a narrative review and with statistical indicators that are synthesized. There is a wide range of evidence on Ukrainian refugees in Switzerland and their integration, although substantive and systematic gaps remain. The review provides a brief historical background, looks at the demographic composition of Ukrainian refugees in Switzerland, discusses economic integration, housing, education, social integration, crime and safety, health and well-being, and attitudes to Ukrainian refugees. Much less is known about cultural integration and political participation. Given the size of the population and the ongoing war in Ukraine, more research on Ukrainian refugees is warranted, particularly in the direction of successful integration in a context where return seems increasingly unlikely — although dual-intent remains the official focus —, and in areas beyond economic integration that affect well-being and intentions to return.

▻https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/tcnhx

#statistiques #chiffres #réfugiés_ukrainiens #réfugiés #Ukraine #asile #migrations #Suisse

#Pizzica dello #scafista

«Questa è la pizzica dello scafista, sciacallo del mare che naviga a vista, che vende un po’ caro un mondo migliore...»

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=M2ELHyKq96g

Rome : #Freedom_of_Movement_Solidarity_Network for migrants launched

A new alliance between NGOs operating on the mainland and at sea to support migrants, called the Freedom of Movement Solidarity Network, was presented in Rome on May 15.

The Freedom of Movement Solidarity Network is a new alliance that includes groups operating along migration routes — on the road, in forests, at sea, and on mountain trails — to help people on the move.

Promoters of the network presented on May 15 in Rome at the Foreign Press Association included the following associations: Baobab Experience, Bozen Solidale, Collettivo Rotte Balcaniche Alto Vicentino, Como senza frontiere, Linea d’Ombra, No Name Kitchen, On Borders, Refugees In Lybia, ResQ - People saving people, Rete Milano, Sea-Watch, Small Axe, as well as individuals like Father Massimo Biancalami, Loredana Crivellari, Father Giusto Della Valle, Francesco Delli Santi, Filippo Lombardo Tiziano Rossetti and Tommaso Stella.

International gathering in June in Rebbio

“Today, a network for the freedom of movement sees the light after two years of meetings in Rebbio, between Como and the Swiss border, during which experiences, opinions and discussions were shared on how to bring solidarity to migrants,” said the president of Baobab Experience, Andrea Costa.

Costa added that this network will not lead to the dissolution of its members, but rather represents a “step forward towards joint action and a way to operate involving everyone, regardless of the group they belong to.”

The president of Baobab Experience stressed that the new network has been presented “after the approval of the EU pact on migration and before upcoming European elections that appear to design a Europe that is even less friendly towards migrant people.”

He also announced that an international assembly will be held on June 29-30 in Rebbio with Italian associations and their counterparts operating in other European countries.

“We are presenting the network in the name of a collective choice to stand with people on the move,” explained Piero Gorza, a member of On Borders.
EU questioned over ’securitarian policies’

All participants accused the EU of promoting “securitarian policies and rampant externalization, a model launched in 2017 with the memorandum of understanding between Italy and Libya by then-interior minister Marco Minniti,” denounced Luca Morelli, member of Sea-Watch, who joined the meeting via video link from Lampedusa.

“We have to create another model against that of deportations, create a common front to support the journey of people in movement,” he continued, highlighting a “protection system torn apart,” citing as examples Italy’s Cutro law including controversial restrictions to the country’s protection regime and the new EU pact on migration and asylum.

David Yambio, spokesman of Refugees in Libya, said “the situation in Tunisia and Libya is the direct consequence of European policies.”

“The accords scrap freedom of movement, Tunisia has become hell” after an agreement was forged between the Italian government of Premier Giorgia Meloni and Tunisian President Saied, he claimed.

Yambio said he is in contact with thousands of people in Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco who don’t have access to information and are abandoned or treated like criminals.

Trafficking the product of borders and barriers - Baobab

Alice Basiglini, spokesperson of Baobab Experience, recalled that aid facilities on the mainland and rescue vessels at sea can also monitor the situation “constantly, safeguarding the security of people in movement.”

“We recognize freedom of movement as a universal right”, she said, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and called for grassroots action against the “current policies of the EU and member States forcing people to undertake increasingly dangerous journeys.”

According to Basiglini, “human trafficking is the product of present borders and barriers, thanks lately to the Migration pact. We are opposed to policies of flows, people are not goods and they cannot enter in relation to the needs of the labor market”.

She also expressed opposition to the “Libyan model created in 2017 and then replicated by Egypt, Tunisia and Albania”.

“We are in favour of safe passages under the light of the sun, which is why we are denouncing our action in support of people in movement”, she concluded.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/57150/rome-freedom-of-movement-solidarity-network-for-migrants-launched

#alliance #migrations #asile #réfugiés #solidarité #liberté_de_mouvement #Rebbio #Rete_Rebbio

ping @isskein @karine4 @_kg_

#Mothership

https://www.thepartysales.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/mothership_affiche-1-scaled.jpg

In the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, the crew of the #Ocean_Viking is rescuing people in exile fleeing Libya, crammed in unseaworthy boats. Once rescued and welcomed on board, survivors receive first aid, then accompanied to a safe port. On this ship, like a refuge within a refuge, the Women’s Shelter is a listening and care center for women and children.

To ensure that people in distress are rescued in compliance with human rights and maritime law, a tug-of-war between authorities and humanitarian aid workers occurs on a daily basis.

▻https://www.thepartysales.com/movie/mothership
▻https://vimeo.com/943563441/3f3fb81516?share=copy

#sauvetage #mer #Méditerranée #migrations #réfugiés
#film #film_documentaire #Muriel_Cravatte

Relier les rives. Sur les traces des morts en Méditerranée

https://www.interforum.fr/images/DEC/P3/9782348083761.jpg

Sur le port de #Catane, à l’est de la Sicile, des milliers de personnes en péril débarquent, accompagnées des corps de celles qui n’ont pas survécu à la traversée de la Méditerranée. Dans un contexte d’#indifférence générale à cette #hécatombe et un environnement politique marqué par la criminalisation des migrants, un petit groupe d’habitants et d’habitantes s’est mobilisé pour redonner un nom aux défunts et joindre leurs familles. L’ouvrage retrace cette initiative locale inédite, qu’aucune autorité nationale ou européenne n’avait entreprise jusque-là de façon systématique.
Au cours des visites répétées au #cimetière, des lectures de dossiers administratifs et des enquêtes conduites pour suivre les pistes susceptibles de relier un corps à une histoire, un attachement particulier à ces inconnus naît. Le livre raconte les vies des morts auprès de celles et ceux qui les accueillent sur l’autre rivage. Il explore les tentatives collectives et intimes menées pour tracer un chemin entre nous et les autres.
Émaillé d’extraits de textes rédigés par des hommes et des femmes soucieux d’empêcher l’oubli, ainsi que des poèmes et des chansons qui donnent, à leurs yeux, sens à leur engagement, ce récit entend restituer la dimension sensible de leurs investigations. Il rend également perceptible la fragilité des liens invisibles et rarement mis en mots qui unissent des vivants à des morts dont ils ne savent (presque) rien.

▻https://www.editionsladecouverte.fr/relier_les_rives-9782348083761
#livre #Filippo_Furri #Carolina_Kobelinsky #mourir_aux_frontières #Italie #morts_aux_frontières #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée #identification

ACCORDO ITALIA – ALBANIA : FRA STRATIFICAZIONE COLONIALE E DEVOZIONE

In questa puntata di Harraga abbiamo parlato di esternalizzazione della detenzione amministrativa in Albania. Sebbene sembra che la scadenza del 20 Maggio, per l’apertura di un Hotspot a #Shengin e di un #CPRI a #Ghader, stia saltando per via del passo rallentato al quale proseguono i lavori, sarà comunque in tempi molto prossimi che vedremo sorgere le ennesime strutture di reclusione per persone senza documenti europei. La gestione e la giurisdizione alla quale faranno riferimento sarà totalmente made in Italy, di fatti i bandi e gli appalti sia edili che per il dislocamento delle guardie sono stati emessi a Roma. La struttura di Ghader sarà un CPRI ossia un centro di detenzione amministrativa per richiedenti asilo provenienti da paesi cosiddetti sicuri trovati dalla marina militare italiana in acque internazionali.

Con una compagna abbiamo tentato di fare un inquadramento di questi nuovi investimenti per delle prigioni fuori dal territorio italiano affrontato la profonda stratificazione storica e politica del rapporto tra Italia e Albania interpretabile nei termini della colonia.

▻https://radioblackout.org/podcast/accordo-italia-albania-fra-stratificazione-coloniale-e-devozione

#Albanie #colonialisme #Italie #histoire_coloniale #occupation #occupation_militaire #fascisme #expansionnisme #pétrole #résistance #dépendance #protectorat_italien #blanchité #néocolonialisme #migrations #accords #exploitation #néo-libéralisme #néo-colonialisme #call_center #soft_power #religion #télévision #OTAN #violence #migrants_albanais #invisibilisation

#podcast #audio

Why is Italy forbidding NGO planes from departing from Sicily?

NGO planes are forbidden from departing from five Italian airports near migrant routes on the Mediterranean, officials said this week. Here’s more background on the decision.

NGO planes that patrol Mediterranean waters for migrant vessels in distress will no longer be able to depart from airports in Sicily, Italy’s civil aviation authority announced this week.

Here’s some background on the specifics of the decision.
No flights from Sicilian airports

Italy’s National Entity for Civil Aviation (#ENAC) — a department of the Ministry of Transport, which is headed by Matteo Salvini — signed five ordinances barring NGO planes from departing the Sicilian airports of Palermo (Punta Raisi and Bocca di Falco), Lampedusa, Pantelleria and Trapani.

According to the ordinance, these civil airplanes not only violate “the regulative legal framework of the Search and Rescue missions” but also risk “compromising the safety of migrant people who are not assisted by the current protocols approved by the Maritime Authority.”

ENAC, in the ordinance, further stated that “anyone who takes part in Search and Rescue operations outside the legal provisions of the framework currently in place is punished with sanctions listed in the navigation code, and additional sanctions such as the administrative detention of the airplane.”
Nadir rescue

While the new ordinance was announced, German NGO Resquship vessel Nadir rescued a dinghy carrying 57 migrants in international waters.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/56955/why-is-italy-forbidding-ngo-planes-from-departing-from-sicily

#sauvetage #Seabird #avions #criminalisation_de_la_solidarité #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #migrations #réfugiés #Colibrì #Pilotes_Volontaires #Italie #aéroports

Migrant centres in Albania 20 May opening postponed

Army engineers at work but facilities not finished.

The opening of new Italian-run migrant centres in Albania, which was scheduled for 20 May, has been postponed, according to reports Wednesday.
The Italian military engineers working on the Shengjin and Gjader sites, according to the agreement between Rome and Tirana, have not yet finished setting up the facilities.
Meanwhile, the contract for the management of the facilities for 24 months was awarded to the Medihospes cooperative with a bid of 133.8 million euro.
Italy is to set up two migrant hotspots and a centre to hold migrants awaiting repatriation for a total expenditure of almost 34 million euro a year.
The agreement, signed by Premier Giorgia Meloni and her Albanian counterpart Edi Rama in Rome in November, provides for the reception and processing of up to 3,000 migrants and refugees rescued by Italian ships per month.
People with special needs such as the elderly, children or pregnant women, migrants and refugees who have been rescued by NGO-run ships and people who land directly on Italian soil are to be excluded from the deal.
Since taking office in autumn 2022 the Meloni government has been reaching out to third countries in a bid to stem irregular migration by sea to Italy, which in 2023 rose by around 50% over the previous year.
The Italian opposition has slammed the Albania deal as creating a new Guantanamo and allegedly breaching the Italian Constitution, charges the government rejects.
The Italian Bishops Conference (CEI) and the Council of Europe have also criticized the agreement.
Some other EU countries have said it is a model that could be emulated, as has European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

▻https://www.ansa.it/english/news/world/2024/05/08/migrant-centres-in-albania-20-may-opening-postponed_2ebbb364-2fdc-49ac-bdde-be4

#migrations #externalisation
–-

ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais...
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

10 mai 2024 :

🆘 from ~11 people stranded on an islet on the #Evros river, near #Didymoticho!

We received information about this group, but can’t reach them. The relative who alerted us to them lost contact two hours ago and is worried. @Hellenicpolice
have been alerted: assist them now!

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/viG0MG1XTeaL/gjLNOQoobRsZVNZAw7KCdcqhH5typZDqb94IlaeY.jpg

▻https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1788934414317056326

#limbe #zone_frontalière #île #Evros #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #fleuve_Evros #Turquie #Grèce #Thrace #îlots

–-

ajouté à la métaliste sur #métaliste sur des #réfugiés abandonnés sur des #îlots dans la région de l’#Evros, #frontière_terrestre entre la #Grèce et la #Turquie :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/953343

Migranti, la nuova mossa del governo per i rimpatri : ampliata la lista dei Paesi sicuri. E scoppia la polemica

Nei centri in Albania anche chi arriva da Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Egitto e Camerun. Albano: “I giudici dovranno verificare se sono davvero luoghi non pericolosi”

Un tassello dietro l’altro il governo prova a riempire la cornice dell’ancora vuoto progetto Albania nel tentativo di non farlo fallire prima del tempo. E così, dopo l’assegnazione dell’appalto da 133 milioni di euro per la gestione dei centri al colosso dell’accoglienza Medihospes del discusso Camillo Aceto, oggi un decreto ministeriale della Farnesina pubblicato in gazzetta ufficiale come d’incanto fa lievitare la lista dei cosiddetti Paesi sicuri, quelli – per intenderci – in cui potranno essere rimpatriati con le procedure accelerate di frontiera i migranti soccorsi nel Mediterraneo che da lì provengono.

La lista, fino a ieri composta da 15 paesi, ne contiene ora ben 21: tra i sei nuovi ingressi alcuni Paesi d’origine di un numero consistente di migranti che arrivano in Italia via mare. Innanzitutto il Bangladesh, ma anche Sri Lanka, Camerun ed Egitto, a cui di aggiungono due Paesi sudamericani, Colombia e Perù da cui, in aereo, arrivano in Italia ogni anno migliaia di persone che poi chiedono asilo.

Il Bangladesh , cosi come già l’anno scorso, è in cima alla lista dei Paesi d’origine dei migranti che arrivano in Italia grazie ad una triangolazione dall’Africa che riescono a raggiungere in aereo: 3425 quelli sbarcati nei primi 4 mesi del 2024, più di 1000 gli egiziani.

Numeri consistenti che adesso, con il loro inserimento nella lista dei Paesi sicuri, consentiranno alle autorità italiane di portarli direttamente nei centri albanesi in attesa del probabile rimpatrio nel caso in cui la loro richiesta di asilo(come avviene nella maggior parte dei casi) dovesse essere respinta. Nel 2023 sono stati più di 12.000 gli arrivi dal Bangladesh e 11.000 dall’Egitto.

I giudici della sezione immigrazione nutrono forti perplessità sul fatto che alcuni dei paesi inclusi nell’elenco, su tutti l’Egitto, possano essere considerati sicuri. La presidente di Magistratura democratica, Silvia Albano, spiega: “Il decreto ministeriale è fonte normativa secondaria e deve rispettare tanto le fonti sovraordinate, come la Costituzione e la normativa della UE, quanto la legge ordinaria”; quindi “i giudici dovranno verificare se il Paese designato come sicuro con decreto ministeriale, possa essere effettivamente considerato tale in base a quanto stabilito dalla legge”.

#pays_sûrs #liste #Albanie #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation #renvois #expulsions

#Bangladesh #Sri-Lanka #Cameroun #Egypte #Colombie #Pérou

–-
ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais... :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

Nicolas Schmit veut revoir certains accords migratoires

Les accords de plusieurs millions d’euros que l’UE a signés avec les pays voisins pour réduire l’immigration irrégulière doivent être « révisés », estime Nicolas Schmit, tête de liste des socialistes européens pour les élections de juin.

« Je suis assez réticent à l’égard de ces accords qui doivent encore faire la preuve de leur efficacité. Nous dépensons actuellement d’énormes sommes d’argent, en donnant cet argent à différents régimes ou gouvernements, comme le gouvernement tunisien. Nous savons que les autorités tunisiennes traitent très mal les réfugiés », explique Nicolas Schmit à Euronews lors d’une interview exclusive filmée mardi matin.

« Nous avons toujours des problèmes en Libye, où il y a deux gouvernements. Nous avons des questions pour l’Egypte. Je suis donc assez réticent à ce genre d’accords », poursuit-il.

« Je pense que nous devons les revoir et voir ce qui peut être fait, comment nous pouvons le faire différemment parce que nous ne savons pas exactement comment l’argent est utilisé ».

Nicolas Schmit, l’actuel commissaire européen en charge de l’Emploi et des Droits sociaux, rompt ouvertement avec la présidente de la Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, qui, au cours de l’année écoulée, a encouragé la politique de signature d’accords avec les pays voisins, tels que la Tunisie, la Mauritanie et l’Égypte, dans le but de stimuler leurs économies fragiles et de réduire le nombre de départs d’immigrants clandestins.

Cette stratégie, qui prévoit des millions de fonds européens et des projets d’investissement, bénéficie d’un large soutien des dirigeants de l’UE dont l’Italienne Giorgia Meloni, le Grec Kyriakos Mitsotakis, le Belge Alexander De Croo et l’Espagnol Pedro Sánchez, qui ont tous, à un moment donné, rejoint Ursula von der Leyen lors de ses voyages officiels.

Mais ces accords ont été fortement critiqués par les ONG humanitaires et les spécialistes des migrations, qui affirment qu’ils sont mal conçus, qu’ils manquent de transparence et qu’ils reposent sur un vote de confiance de la part de gouvernements autocratiques. Les nombreux rapports faisant état de violations des droits de l’homme en Tunisie et en Égypte ont jeté une ombre sur ces textes.

Le dernier chapitre en date de cette politique concerne le Liban, où la présidente de la Commission a annoncé la semaine dernière un programme d’aide d’un milliard d’euros destiné à soulager les difficultés financières du pays frappé par la crise et à empêcher une vague de réfugiés de se diriger vers Chypre. L’enveloppe, entièrement constituée de subventions, sera progressivement mise en place jusqu’en 2027.

« Personne ne sait exactement comment l’argent annoncé sera dépensé au Liban, étant donné la situation du gouvernement libanais, qui est, d’une certaine manière, un gouvernement très faible », analyse Nicolas Schmit.

Au cours de son entretien avec Euronews, Le Luxembourgeois de 70 ans a fustigé le « modèle rwandais » que le Royaume-Uni a mis en place pour transporter les migrants par avion vers le pays africain et traiter leurs demandes d’asile sur place. Si les demandes sont approuvées, les réfugiés se verront accorder l’asile au Rwanda, et non sur le sol britannique.

Dans son manifeste, le Parti populaire européen (PPE) présente une ébauche de projet similaire au « modèle rwandais » visant à externaliser partiellement le traitement des demandes. Ursula von der Leyen, tête de liste du PPE, nie la comparaison et insiste sur le fait que tout projet serait compatible avec le droit international.

« Je suis absolument contre ce que nous appelons le modèle rwandais, qui va à l’encontre des droits fondamentaux sur lesquels l’Europe s’est construite », insiste Nicolas Schmit. « Déléguer le traitement des réfugiés au Rwanda ou à d’autres pays est une question de non-respect de la dignité humaine ».
Pas question de travailler avec CRE

Nicolas Schmit et Ursula von der Leyen se trouvent dans une position particulière car tous deux travaillent au sein de la Commission mais ils font campagne respectivement pour le PSE et le PPE.

La présidente de l’institution demeure la favorite selon les sondages. Son parti devrait rester la première force politique au Parlement à l’issue des élections de juin.

Toutefois, ces dernières semaines, Ursula von der Leyen a fait sursauter l’opinion publique en raison de ses ouvertures vers le groupe des Conservateurs et réformistes européens (CRE), qui regroupe notamment Fratelli d’Italia (Italie), Droit et Justice (Pologne), Vox (Espagne), l’Alliance néo-flamande N-VA (Belgique), le Parti démocratique civique (République tchèque) et les Démocrates de Suède (Suède).

Le CRE devrait progresser de manière significative après le mois de juin, et pourrait devenir le troisième groupe le plus important, ce qui donnerait à cette formation eurosceptique et anti-Pacte vert un plus grand poids dans la prise de décision.

Pour être reconduite par les dirigeants, Ursula von der Leyen devra être confirmée par une majorité au Parlement. Les socialistes ont prévenu que si la responsable allemande cherchait à obtenir des voix au sein de CRE, elle perdrait leur soutien.

« Il n’y a aucun moyen - je suis très clair là-dessus - il n’y a aucun moyen d’avoir un arrangement, un accord ou quoi que ce soit avec l’extrême droite », assure Nicolas Schmit à Euronews.

Il accuse le PPE de faire une « distinction très spéciale » entre l’extrême droite « décente » et l’extrême droite « paria » et a mis en garde contre les conséquences imprévisibles de cette ligne de plus en plus floue, affirmant que le CRE défendait une conception « fondamentalement différente » de l’Europe.

« Lorsque je regarde l’extrême droite dite décente, qui sont ces gens ? Ce sont des Vox. Ce sont des admirateurs de Franco. Des admirateurs de Mussolini. C’est le parti PiS (Droit et Justice) qui était sur le point d’abolir l’État de droit en Pologne et qui a été sanctionné par la Commission. Où est donc l’extrême droite décente ? Il n’y en a pas », explique-t-il.

« C’est pourquoi il n’est pas possible d’avoir un arrangement qui se contente d’acheter des votes parce que l’extrême droite est intelligente. Ils ne donneront pas leurs voix pour rien. Ils demanderont des concessions sur la manière dont la politique européenne sera définie », assure Nicolas Schmit.

Cette interview fait partie d’une série en cours avec toutes les têtes de liste pour les élections européennes. L’interview complète de Nicolas Schmit sera diffusée sur Euronews le week-end du 17 mai.

▻https://fr.euronews.com/my-europe/2024/05/07/les-accords-de-lue-sur-limmigration-avec-legypte-et-la-tunisie-doivent-

#UE #Tunisia #Egypt #Nicolas_Schmit #Ursula_von_der_Leyen

ping @cdb_77

Migration : les États membres s’efforcent de transférer les procédures d’immigration à des États non membres de l’UE

Un groupe d’États membres de l’UE, emmené par la #République_tchèque et le #Danemark, prépare une #lettre à la #Commission_européenne demandant que les migrants qui tentent d’atteindre l’UE soient transférés vers des États tiers sélectionnés avant d’atteindre les #côtes de l’Union — une procédure qui, selon les experts, risque d’être difficile à appliquer dans le cadre de la législation européenne actuelle sur l’immigration.

Selon la lettre obtenue par les journaux tchèques, les signataires appellent à la conclusion d’#accords avec des pays tiers vers lesquels les États membres de l’UE pourraient envoyer les migrants interceptés en mer. L’ensemble de l’UE pourrait alors adopter un modèle similaire à celui conclu en novembre 2023 entre l’#Italie et l’#Albanie.

« Là, une solution permanente pourrait être trouvée pour eux », peut-on lire dans la lettre, comme le rapporte le journal Hospodářské noviny.

Selon ce plan, les migrants qui se dirigent vers l’Europe sans les documents nécessaires n’atteindraient même pas les côtes de l’UE, peut-on également lire dans la lettre.

Le plan prévoit également le transfert des personnes qui se trouvent déjà dans un pays de l’UE, mais qui n’y ont pas obtenu l’asile, suggérant que ces migrants pourraient être emmenés dans un pays tiers, où ils resteraient jusqu’à ce qu’ils puissent être expulsés.

Cette lettre a été rédigée à l’initiative du Danemark et de la République tchèque, et soutenue par plusieurs États membres. Une telle approche est soutenue par la majorité des Vingt-Sept, dont les #Pays-Bas, les États baltes et l’Italie, a appris Euractiv.

L’Italie a été le premier État membre à signer un accord bilatéral avec un pays tiers — l’Albanie — sur l’externalisation des procédures de migration.

« L’#externalisation et la #relocalisation des demandes d’asile ont une triple fonction : lutter plus efficacement contre les organisations criminelles dédiées au #trafic_d’êtres humains, comme outil de #dissuasion contre les départs illégaux, et comme moyen de soulager la pression migratoire sur les pays de première entrée, comme l’Italie, la Grèce, l’Espagne, Chypre ou Malte », a déclaré à Euractiv Italie le sous-secrétaire d’État au ministère italien de l’Intérieur, le député de la Lega Nicola Molteni (Identité et Démocratie).

La #Hongrie est également favorable à une externalisation, mais n’a pas encore signé la lettre. Comme l’a confié un diplomate à Euractiv République tchèque, Budapest est « toxique » et pourrait nuire à la pertinence de la lettre.

Le débat sur l’externalisation a battu son plein peu après l’approbation par le Parlement européen du nouveau pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile, et les États membres devraient formellement approuver le paquet législatif le 14 mai.

L’externalisation des procédures d’immigration sera également abordée lors de la conférence internationale sur l’immigration qui se tiendra à Copenhague lundi (6 mai).

« La conférence sera une bonne occasion de présenter les propositions du groupe de travail dirigé par le Danemark, avec la représentation de la majorité des États membres de l’UE, pour compléter le pacte sur la migration et l’asile après les élections européennes avec de nouvelles mesures, en particulier dans la dimension de la migration extérieure [y compris l’externalisation], basée sur un nouveau type de partenariat aussi complet », a déclaré Hana Malá, porte-parole du ministère tchèque de l’Intérieur, à Euractiv République tchèque.

Les partenariats avec les États membres ne faisant pas partie de l’UE sont également soutenus par la présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen.

« Parallèlement à la mise en œuvre du Pacte sur les migrations, nous poursuivrons nos partenariats avec les pays d’origine et de transit afin de nous attaquer ensemble aux causes profondes des migrations », a-t-elle déclaré.

Cependant, certains émettent des doutes quant à l’externalisation. C’est notamment le cas des libéraux français.

Pour le député français Sacha Houlié, qui fait partie de l’aile gauche du parti majoritaire du président Emmanuel Macron, Renaissance (Renew Europe), l’externalisation des processus migratoires est aux antipodes du pacte sur la migration et l’asile adopté par le Parlement européen.

« Envoyer des personnes dans des pays qui n’ont rien à voir avec leur pays d’origine, comme l’Albanie ou le Rwanda, pose un problème moral et éthique », a fustigé M. Houlié.

L’externalisation de la gestion des migrations a également été qualifiée d’« inacceptable » par l’eurodéputé italien Brando Benifei, chef de la délégation du Parti démocrate (Partido Democratico, Socialistes et Démocrates européens) au sein de l’hémicycle européen.
Critiques des ONG

Les organisations de défense des droits de l’Homme se montrent particulièrement critiques concernant l’externalisation des procédures d’immigration, y compris l’accord italo-albanais.

« Il est grand temps que les institutions européennes reconnaissent que l’accord entre l’Italie et l’Albanie créerait un système illégal et nuisible, auquel il faut mettre fin. Au lieu d’accroître la souffrance des individus, les autorités devraient garantir l’accès à une procédure d’asile efficace, à un accueil adéquat et à des itinéraires sûrs et réguliers », a souligné l’organisation Amnesty International en février.

Selon l’expert en migration Vít Novotný, la proposition d’externaliser le traitement des demandes d’asile risque d’être difficile à mettre en œuvre, car les règles européennes, même dans le cadre du nouveau pacte migratoire, sont basées sur des procédures d’asile se déroulant uniquement sur le territoire de l’Union.

« Le changement est concevable, la porte est là, mais le chemin juridique est long », a déclaré M. Novotný du Centre Wilfried Martens pour les études européennes à Euractiv République tchèque, soulignant que cette situation est encore spéculative.

Il a expliqué que les propositions sur le retour des demandeurs déboutés pourraient être beaucoup plus faciles à obtenir un consensus et que l’initiative pourrait aider à résoudre le problème de longue date des déportations.

Toutefois, il est essentiel de trouver des pays partenaires adéquats — un problème qui, selon M. Novotný, persiste.

« La question est de savoir dans quelle mesure l’UE a essayé de trouver de tels pays. Il est possible qu’elle n’ait pas suffisamment essayé », a-t-il affirmé.

« Maintenant que même l’Allemagne parle de solutions similaires, ce qui était impensable il y a seulement un an ou deux, il y a peut-être plus de chances de trouver un ou plusieurs pays de ce type. Mais pour l’instant, je ne fais que spéculer », a-t-il ajouté.

M. Novotný a également rappelé les efforts de l’UE en 2018, lorsque le président du Conseil européen de l’époque, Donald Tusk, a déclaré que l’UE avait essayé de se mettre d’accord avec l’Égypte pour reprendre les personnes secourues en mer.

« Et [le président Abdel Fattah] al-Sisi avait répondu très fermement à l’époque qu’il n’y avait pas moyen. Maintenant, cela se fait de manière un peu plus diplomatique, ce qui est probablement une meilleure façon de réussir », a conclu l’expert.

▻https://www.euractiv.fr/section/all/news/migration-les-etats-membres-sefforcent-de-transferer-les-procedures-dimmigr

#UE #Union_européenne #EU #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Europe #externalisation #pays_tiers

En #Tunisie, la #répression s’accentue sur les migrants subsahariens et les associations qui les soutiennent

Originaires d’Afrique de l’Ouest ou de l’Est, plusieurs centaines d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants ont été expulsées vers les frontières du pays.

Il était 2 heures du matin, vendredi 3 mai, lorsque les agents des forces de l’ordre se sont présentés devant le campement de migrants, installé en face du siège de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), dans le quartier des berges du Lac à Tunis. « On était tous couchés, on dormait. D’un coup, il a fallu fuir », se souvient Simon, un exilé camerounais de 21 ans qui préfère utiliser un nom d’emprunt. Lui a réussi à échapper à la police. « Mais ceux qui n’y sont pas parvenus ont été arrêtés. Nous sommes toujours sans nouvelle de certains d’entre eux », dit-il, toujours à la rue.

Ils étaient des centaines, originaires principalement de pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, à dormir dehors dans l’attente d’une assistance de l’OIM pour un retour volontaire dans leur pays. « On veut juste rentrer chez nous, assure Simon qui a déposé en décembre 2023 une demande pour être rapatrié au Cameroun. On ne comprend pas pourquoi ils ont fait ça. On était calmes, on n’a agressé personne, on n’a rien fait de mal. »

Plus loin, au bout de la rue, plusieurs centaines d’exilés – des hommes, des femmes et même des enfants majoritairement originaires du Soudan et de pays d’Afrique de l’Est en proie à la guerre – étaient installées dans les allées d’un jardin public en attendant d’obtenir une protection internationale.
Des expulsions collectives

D’autres avaient planté leurs tentes à quelques centaines de mètres de là, devant le siège du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés. Des dizaines de personnes exilées, installées dans la Maison des jeunes depuis à la fermeture du camp de Choucha en 2017, ont également été délogées, dans la banlieue de La Marsa.

Au total, près de 80 mandats de dépôt ont été émis à l’encontre des personnes arrêtées au cours du week-end et au moins plusieurs centaines d’entre elles ont été expulsées vers les frontières du pays, selon plusieurs ONG. Cette évacuation coordonnée et de large ampleur fait suite à d’autres opérations similaires dans la région de Sfax la semaine passée.

Lundi 6 mai, au cours d’un conseil de sécurité, le président Kaïs Saïed a reconnu pour la première fois des expulsions collectives de la part des autorités tunisiennes, précisant que « 400 personnes » ont été renvoyées vers « la frontière orientale », en « coordination continue » avec les pays voisins.

« Nous assistons à une répression tous azimuts des populations noires migrantes qui continuent de subir des abus systématiques de leurs droits », dénonce Salsabil Chellali, directrice du bureau de Human Rights Watch à Tunis. Elle souligne que, de manière générale, les arrestations et les expulsions menées par les autorités se font « sans aucune évaluation au cas par cas du statut » des exilés, « en dehors de tout Etat de droit et cadre légal », simplement car « ces personnes sont identifiées comme noires et comme venant de pays africains ».
« Hordes de migrants clandestins »

Depuis le discours du président Kaïs Saïed, en février 2023, au cours duquel il avait désigné les « hordes de migrants clandestins » comme complice d’un complot visant à modifier l’identité arabo-islamique du pays, les autorités tunisiennes ont opéré un virage sécuritaire dans la gestion des migrants africains subsahariens.

La répression à leur encontre s’est élargie ces derniers jours aux organisations de la société civile. Saadia Mosbah, présidente de Mnemty, une association de lutte contre les discriminations raciales, a été arrêtée lundi 6 mai sur la base de la loi relative à la lutte contre le terrorisme et à la répression du blanchiment d’argent et placée en garde à vue.

Activiste tunisienne noire et figure de la lutte antiraciste en Tunisie, Mme Mosbah s’était montrée très critique envers les politiques anti-migrants du président Kaïs Saïed depuis plus d’un an. Un autre membre de l’association a été entendu dans le cadre de l’enquête, mais a été laissé en liberté. Leurs bureaux ont été perquisitionnés.

L’organisation Terre d’asile Tunisie (TAT), section tunisienne de France terre d’asile, a elle aussi reçu la visite des fonctionnaires de police dans ses bureaux de Tunis et de Sfax. Son ancienne directrice, Sherifa Riahi, a été entendue puis placée en garde à vue sur la base de la même loi utilisée contre Mme Mosbah, confie au Monde une source sous couvert d’anonymat. Quatre personnes ont été entendues, « sans que cela donne lieu à une arrestation ».

Le président et le vice-président du Conseil tunisien des réfugiés (CTR) ont eux aussi été arrêtés, placés sous mandat de dépôt à l’issue de leur garde à vue. Ils sont accusés d’« associations de malfaiteurs dans le but d’aider des personnes à accéder au territoire tunisien », selon une déclaration du parquet, alors que le CTR assiste le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés dans l’enregistrement des demandeurs d’asile, avec l’aval des autorités en l’absence de loi encadrant le droit d’asile en Tunisie.
« Faire peur aux associations »

Le président du Conseil tunisien des réfugiés (CTR) et l’un de ses collègues ont eux aussi été arrêtés. Selon la radio privée Mosaïque FM, ils sont accusés d’aide à l’hébergement de migrants en situation irrégulière, alors même que cette organisation assiste le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés dans l’enregistrement des demandeurs d’asile, avec l’aval des autorités en l’absence de loi encadrant le droit d’asile en Tunisie.

« C’est un nouveau cap franchi dans la répression, s’alarme Salsabil Chellali. Les autorités veulent faire peur aux associations qui mènent des actions pour atténuer un tant soit peu la souffrance des migrants et demandeurs d’asile et de mettre fin à toute assistance qu’ils peuvent recevoir en Tunisie. Ça ne fait qu’exacerber les conditions vulnérables dans lesquelles ils sont. »

Dans son discours lundi soir, M. Saïed a fustigé des associations qui « reçoivent d’énormes sommes d’argent de l’étranger ». « Il n’y a pas de place pour des associations qui pourraient remplacer l’Etat », a-t-il affirmé, qualifiant par ailleurs les dirigeants de ces associations de « traîtres » et d’« agents ».

M. Saïed a aussi répété « aux chefs d’Etat » et « au monde entier », comme il l’a fait de nombreuses fois, que « la Tunisie n’est pas une terre pour installer ces gens et qu’elle veille à ce qu’elle ne soit pas également un point de passage pour eux vers les pays du nord de la Méditerranée ».

Tout en refusant d’accueillir les migrants, les autorités tunisiennes continuent pourtant de les empêcher de rejoindre l’Europe moyennant un soutien financier et logistique de l’Union européenne. Entre le 1er janvier et le 15 avril, 21 270 migrants ont ainsi été interceptés en mer par la Garde nationale, contre 13 903 sur la même période en 2023, selon les chiffres communiqués par son porte-parole, Houssem Jebabli, à l’agence de presse Nova.

►https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2024/05/08/en-tunisie-la-repression-s-accentue-sur-les-migrants-subsahariens-et-les-ass
#migrations #anti-migrants #expulsions #expulsions_collectives #réfugiés #arrestations

ping @_kg_

Migranti, la #Medihospes si aggiudica l’appalto da 133 milioni di euro per i centri in Albania

Il colosso dell’accoglienza in diverse inchieste anche per le condizioni poco dignitose di vita garantite nelle strutture. Il suo amministratore è #Camillo_Aceto, già arrestato a Bari e finito in #Mafia_capitale.

La gallina dalle uova d’oro dei centri per migranti in Albania è finita nelle mani del businessman italiano dell’accoglienza, quel Camillo Aceto il cui nome, negli ultimi vent’anni, è comparso nelle più disparate inchieste della magistratura da un capo all’altro d’Italia e con le accuse più diverse: dalla truffa nelle forniture di pasti alle mense ospedaliere di Bari che lo vide finire agli arresti nel 2003 all’indagine per infiltrazioni mafiose nella gestione del Cara di Mineo in Mafia capitale a svariate indagini per frode in pubbliche forniture da parte delle varie società in cui ha avuto incarichi dirigenziali e che alla fine sono confluite nella Medihospes.

Il colosso dell’accoglienza che gestisce più del 60 per cento di centri migranti in Italia, 3.800 posti letto in 26 strutture, si è aggiudicato il bando milionario per la gestione dei centri che il governo italiano intende aprire in Albania per tenervi, in attesa di rimpatrio, alcune migliaia di migranti provenienti dai cosiddetti paesi sicuri che verranno soccorsi da navi militari italiane in acque internazionali. Ben 133.789.967,55 milioni di euro la cifra che Medihospes incasserà per gestire l’accoglienza dei migranti nell’#hotspot di #Shengjin e nel centrio per richiedenti asilo ( con annesso Cpr) che sorgerà nell’area di #Gjader. La prefettura di Roma ha ritenuto l’offerta di Medihospes, con un ribasso del 4,94 per cento sulla base d’asta, più vantaggiosa rispetto a quelle degli altri due concorrenti selezionati tra oltre 30 aziende: il consorzio #Hera e #Officine_sociali. Per due anni, rinnovabili per altri due, Medihospes dovrà provvedere alle esigenze di vitto, alloggio e servizi basici per i migranti che verranno portati in Albania.

Un’aggiudicazione che continua ad assembrare ombre sull’operazione Albania i cui altissimi costi di partenza (650 milioni) sono già lievitati a quasi un miliardo a fronte di una totale incertezza sui tempi di apertura dei centri. Stando al bando, Medihospes dovrebbe essere pronta per partire il 20 maggio. Peccato che, per quella data, nelle aree di Shengjin e Gjader non ci sarà molto altro oltre alle ruspe. La consegna dei lavori delle opere di urbanizzazione e della realizzazione delle strutture affidata al genio militare è infatti prevista per la fine di ottobre quando la stagione calda degli sbarchi sarà già finita.

Il ruolo di semimonopolio di Medihospes nel mondo dell’accoglienza viene fuori dal report “Centri d’Italia” 2022 fatto da Action Aid e Open Polis sugli ultimi dati forniti dal Viminale: a quella data la cooperativa sociale gestiva 26 strutture in sei regioni: 24 Cas, il Cpa di Udine e l’hotspot di Messina, 3800 posti letto sempre sovraffollati in condizioni spesso oggetto di denunce.

Ex amministratore de #La_Cascina, indagata in Mafia capitale, con sedi e iniziative spesso coincidenti con quelle della #Senis_Hospes, poi diventata Medihospes, Camillo Aceto è sempre caduto in piedi mantenendo un ruolo centrale. «Solo con economie di scala e sacrificando i servizi - osserva Fabrizio Coresi di Action Aid - solo soggetti come Medihospes possono riuscire a realizzare un ribasso consistente e rendersi disponibili a gestire centri come quelli in Albania dove i diritti delle persone accolte non sono al centro».

▻https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2024/05/07/news/migranti_appalto_albania_medihospes-422857446

#Albanie #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #coût #appel_d'offre #externalisation #sous-traitance
–-

ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais...
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/xU9VzFP5sJF3/PkGvsp97a0lVu7cJxo8DhwVMEaVnKO9Nar9SMHEq.png

A #Lampedusa non nascevano bambini da più di mezzo secolo. Nel 2021 è nata Maria e le hanno dedicato un parco giochi, dove però i bimbi arrivati come lei via mare non possono giocare. Vietato per loro uscire dall’hotspot. Una storia di diritti negati a persone innocenti.

▻https://twitter.com/SeaWatchItaly/status/1787832638901825906
#toponymie #toponymie_migrante #noms_de_rue #migrations #Lampedusa

Bulgaria : Road to Schengen. Part One : the EU’s external border.

On the 31st of March, Bulgaria - alongside Romania - joined Schengen as a partial member by air & sea. The inclusion of land crossings for full accession of these countries was blocked by an Austrian veto over concerns(1) that it would lead to an increase in people wanting to claim asylum in the EU.

What is significant about Bulgaria becoming a Schengen member is that, what has been seen in the lead up, and what we will see following accession, is a new precedent of aggressively fortified borders set for the EU’s external Schengen borders. Which in turn may shape EU wide standards for border management.

The EU’s external border between Bulgaria and Turkey has become infamous for a myriad of human rights violations and violence towards people who are forced to cross this border ‘illegally’. People continually face the violence of these crossings due to the lack of safe and legal routes allowing people to fulfill their right to seek asylum in Europe.

In 2022 it was along this border that live ammunition(2) was first used against people seeking asylum in the EU. Shot by the Bulgarian authorities. In the same year it was reported(3) that people were illegally detained for up to 3 days in a cage-like structure attached to the police station in the border town of Sredets. It was also known that vehicles belonging to the European border force Frontex - who are responsible for border management and supposedly upholding fundamental rights - were present in the vicinity of the cages holding detained people.

The EU’s illegal border management strategy of pushbacks are also well documented and commonplace along this border. Testimonies of pushbacks in this region are frequent and often violent. Within the past year Collective Aid has collected numerous testimonies from survivors of these actions of the state who describe(4) being stripped down to their underwear, beaten with batons and the butts of guns, robbed, and set on by dogs. Violence is clearly the systematic deterrence strategy of the EU.

Similar violence occurs and is documented along Bulgaria’s northern border with Serbia. During an assessment of the camps in Sofia in March, outside of the Voenna Rampa facility, our team spoke to an Afghan man who, 6 months prior, was beaten so badly during a pushback that his leg was broken. Half a year later he was still using a crutch and was supported by his friends. Due to the ordeal, he had decided to try and claim asylum in Bulgaria instead of risking another border crossing.

Despite the widespread and well documented violations of European and international law by an EU member state, at the beginning of March Bulgaria was rewarded(5) with its share of an 85 million Euro fund within a ‘cooperation framework on border and migration management’. The money within this framework specifically comes under the Border Management and Visa Instrument (BMVI) 2021 – 2027, designed to ‘enhance national capabilities at the EU external borders’. Within the instrument Bulgaria is able to apply for additional funding to extend or upgrade technology along its borders. This includes purchasing, developing, or upgrading equipment such as movement detection and thermo-vision cameras and vehicles with thermo-vision capabilities. It is the use of this border tech which enables and facilitates the illegal and violent practices which are well documented in Bulgaria.

Close to the town of Dragoman along the northern border with Serbia, we came across an example of the kind of technology which used a controlled mounted camera that tracked the movement of our team. This piece of equipment was also purchased by the EU, and is used to track movement at the internal border.

https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5bb60214f4755a2662bea695/d94a6eae-19d1-42b1-bdae-33b239fdedd6/tower+small.jpg https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5bb60214f4755a2662bea695/614c5b50-1cff-4f80-a437-2cc48ae1f6f8/sign+small.jpg

The cooperation framework also outlines(6) a roadmap where Frontex will increase its support of policing at Bulgaria’s border with Turkey. In late February, in the run up to Bulgaria becoming a Schengen member, on a visit to the border with Turkey, Hans Leijtens - Frontex’s executive director - announced(7) an additional 500 - 600 additional Frontex personnel would be sent to the border. Tripling the numbers already operational there.

Meanwhile Frontex - who have been known(8) to conceal evidence of human rights violations - are again under scrutiny(9) for their lack of accountability in regards to the upholding of fundamental rights. Two days prior to the announcement of additional Frontex staff an investigation(10) by BIRN produced a report from a Frontex whistleblower further highlighting the common kinds of violence and rights violations which occur during pushbacks at this border. As well as the fact that Frontex officers were intentionally kept away from ‘hot spots’ where pushbacks are most frequent. The investigation underlines Frontex’s inability to address, or be held accountable for, human rights violations that occur on the EU’s external borders.

https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5bb60214f4755a2662bea695/bee46049-0dbb-486b-b7a4-2ee16776941b/oink+small.jpg

The awarded money is the next step following a ‘successful’ pilot project for fast-track asylum and returns procedures which was started in March of the previous year. The project was implemented in the Pastrogor camp some 13km from the Turkish border which mostly houses people from the Maghreb region of northwest Africa. A 6 month project report(11) boasts a 60% rejection rate from around 2000 applicants. In line with the EU’s new migration pact, the project has a focus on returns whereby an amendment to national legislation has been prepared to allow a return decision to be made and delivered at the same time as an asylum rejection. As well as the launch of a voluntary return programme supported by the 2021-2027 Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF). Through which cash incentives for voluntary returns will be increased across the board. These cash incentives are essentially an EU funded gaslighting project, questioning the decisions of people to leave their home countries based on their own survival and safety.

Our team visited the former prison of the Pastrogor camp in March. Which at the time held only 16 people - some 5% of its 320 capacity.

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The implementation of this pilot project and the fortification of the border with Turkey have been deemed a success by the EU commision(12) who have praised both as indicators of Bulgaria’s readiness to join the Schengen area.

Unsurprisingly, what we learn from Bulgaria’s accession to becoming a Schengen member is that the EU is not only deliberately ignoring Bulgaria’s dire human rights history in migration and border management. But, alongside the political and economic strengthening brought with Schengen accession, they are actively rewarding the results of such rights violations with exceptional funding that can sustain the state’s human rights infringements. All while the presence of Frontex validates the impunity enjoyed by Bulgaria’s violent border forces who show no respect for human rights law. In early April the European Commision gave a positive report(13) on the results from EU funding which support this border rife with fundamental rights abuses. In a hollow statement Bulgaria’s chief of border police stated: “we are showing zero tolerance to the violation of fundamental rights”.

What the changes in border management strategies at the EU’s external border to Turkey- in light of Bulgaria’s entry to the Schengen - mean in reality is that people who are still forced to make the crossing do so at greater risk to themselves as they are forced deeper into both the hands of smuggling networks and into the dangerous Strandzha national park.

The Strandzha national park straddles the Bulgarian-Turkish border. It is in this densely forested and mountainous area of land where people are known to often make the border crossing by foot. A treacherous journey often taking many days, and also known to have taken many lives - lighthouse reports identified 82 bodies of people on the move that have passed through three morgues in Bulgaria. Many of whom will have died on the Strandzha crossing.

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It is reported(14) that morgues in the towns of Burgas and Yambol - on the outskirts of the Strandzha national park - are having difficulty finding space due to the amount of deaths occurring in this area. So much so that a public prosecutor from Yambol explained this as the reason why people are being buried without identification in nameless graves, sometimes after only 4 days of storage. It is also reported that families who tried to find and identify the bodies of their deceased loved ones were forced to pay cash bribes to the Burgas morgue in order to do so.

Through networks with families in home countries, NGOs based nearby make efforts to alert authorities and to respond to distress calls from people in danger within the Strandzha national park. However, the Bulgarian state makes these attempts nearly impossible through heavy militarisation and the associated criminalisation of being active in the area. It is the same militarisation that is supported with money from the EU’s ‘cooperation framework’. Due to these limitations even the bodies that make it to morgues in Bulgaria are likely to be only a percentage of the total death toll that is effectively sponsored by the EU.

Local NGO Mission Wings stated(15) that in 2022 they received at most 12 distress calls, whereas in 2023 the NGO stopped counting at 70. This gives a clear correlation between increased funding to the fortification of the EU’s external border and the amount of lives put in danger.

People are also forced to rely more on smuggling networks. Thus making the cost of seeking asylum greater, and the routes more hidden. When routes become more hidden and reliant on smuggling networks, it limits the interaction between people on the move and NGOs. In turn, testimonies of state violence and illegal practices cannot be collected and violations occur unchallenged. Smuggling networks rely on the use of vehicles, often driving packed cars, vans, and lorries at high speed through the country. Injuries and fatalities of people on the move from car crashes and suffocating are not infrequent in Bulgaria. Sadly, tragic incidents(16) like the deaths of 18 innocent people from Afghanistan in the back of an abandoned truck in February last year are likely only to increase.

▻https://www.collectiveaidngo.org/blog/2024/5/3/bulgaria-road-to-schengen-part-one-the-eus-external-border
#Bulgarie #frontières #Schengen #migrations #frontières_extérieures #asile #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #violence #Turquie #Sredets #encampement #Frontex #droits_humains #Serbie #Sofia #Voenna_Rampa #Border_Management_and_Visa_Instrument (#BMVI) #aide_financière #technologie #Dragoman #Pastrogor #camps_de_réfugiés #renvois #expulsions #retour_volontaire #Asylum_Migration_and_Integration_Fund (#AMIF) #Strandzha #Strandzha_national_park #forêt #montagne #Burgas #Yambol #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #morts_aux_frontières #identification #tombes #criminalisation_de_la_solidarité #morgue

–-

ajouté à ce fil de discussion :
Europe’s Nameless Dead
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1029609

Connaître les morts de la Méditerranée

Depuis dix ans, près de 30 000 personnes sont mortes ou ont disparu en tentant de franchir la Méditerranée. Qui sont-elles ? Comment les identifier ? Des anthropologues et des activistes tentent de répondre.

Lorsqu’ils sont vivants, les autorités s’empressent de vouloir les identifier, collecter notamment leurs empreintes digitales afin de les tracer et les empêcher de tenter de nouvelles fois de franchir les frontières. Lorsqu’ils sont morts, en revanche, ces mêmes autorités, ou d’autres, se fichent totalement de savoir qui ils ou elles sont. Ils et elles ce sont les exilé.es qui au péril de leur vie traversent la Méditerranée. Anthropologues, Carolina Kobelinsky et Filippo Furri ont cherché à connaître ces morts de la Méditerranée. Ils sont cette semaine les invités de La Suite dans les Idées. Et seront rejoint en seconde partie, depuis la Suisse, par l’écrivain Timba Bemba.

▻https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/la-suite-dans-les-idees/connaitre-les-morts-de-la-mediterranee-1580262

#mourir_aux_frontières #décès #identification #morts_aux_frontières #Méditerranée #migrations #réfugiés #carolina_kobelinsky #filippo_furri
#podcast #audio #Timba_Bema

Acquitté, Mimmo Lucano rêve de propager le modèle d’accueil de son village à travers l’Europe

Lourdement condamné en septembre 2021 pour « association de malfaiteurs aux fins d’immigration irrégulière », l’ancien maire calabrais Mimmo Lucano a été presque totalement blanchi par la justice le 12 avril. Il salue une « #victoire_morale » et se présente aux élections municipales et européennes qui se tiendront en juin.

L’ancienL’ancien maire de Riace garde le sourire, malgré le véritable « périple judiciaire » qu’il a dû traverser ces dernières années. Domenico Lucano, que tout le monde surnomme « Mimmo », insiste : sa propre personne ne compte pas. Il regrette surtout que l’image de Riace, petite commune de Calabre où il vit, et dont il a été le maire entre 2004 et 2018, ait été entachée par les accusations dont il a fait l’objet.

À travers son acquittement récent, et quasi total, il estime que l’accueil de l’autre est enfin reconnu « comme une solution et une renaissance », notamment pour les terres désertées par la population. « C’est avant tout une victoire morale », souligne-t-il. Ce modèle vertueux d’accueil et de solidarité, ce « Village global » qu’il a contribué à développer au fil des ans, Mimmo Lucano aimerait le voir élargi à toute l’Europe, à l’heure où celle-ci tend plutôt à se barricader.

Pour tenter d’y parvenir, il a choisi de se présenter aux prochaines élections municipales, à Riace, qui se tiendront en même temps que les élections européennes, pour lesquelles il est également candidat sur une liste d’alliance entre les Verts et la gauche italienne. « Ce qu’on voudrait, c’est une nouvelle Europe qui deviendrait le salut du monde. Pas celle des barbelés, dont les politiques ont provoqué la mort de dizaines de milliers de personnes », dit-il. Entretien.

Mediapart : Vous sortez d’un sacré feuilleton judiciaire…

Domenico Lucano : Oui. Un périple judiciaire. C’est mon histoire, mais c’est surtout celle d’une petite communauté, celle de Riace. Un petit bout de la périphérie européenne, avec sa mer Méditerranée, une sorte d’autoroute des pays arabes vers l’Europe. Mais c’est aussi la mer de la tragédie du monde. La Méditerranée a malheureusement changé de couleur, passant du bleu, du vert, au rouge, la couleur du sang. Le sang de beaucoup d’hommes et de femmes qui ne sont pas arrivés au bout de leur chemin. La mer est devenue un piège à leur tentative de bonheur. Elle a pris la couleur de la mort. Au cœur de l’histoire de Riace, il y a surtout un combat, devenu très médiatique, pour l’accueil de l’autre et pour un idéal politique différent.

Beaucoup de réfugiés afghans fuyant les talibans sont arrivés en Calabre. Je pense aussi à cette tragique nuit d’hiver, le 26 février 2023, durant laquelle les secours ne sont pas venus. Le ministère de l’intérieur a organisé l’arrivée de la douane plutôt que celle des gardes-côtes, qui avaient pourtant les moyens de les sauver. Quatre-vingt-quatorze personnes ont perdu la vie, après avoir passé cinq jours en mer, dont beaucoup d’enfants. En 2022, l’actuel ministre de l’intérieur a utilisé ces mots terribles s’agissant des migrants : il s’agit de « charges résiduelles ». Le gouvernement italien fêtait l’anniversaire de Salvini pendant que les familles pleuraient leurs morts. C’est sans doute le moment le plus déplorable. Il ne sert à rien d’être parmi les grandes puissances mondiales ou de surveiller sa croissance économique quand on est capables d’un tel cynisme face à la vie humaine. La droite a montré son vrai visage.

La droite et l’extrême droite ?

Je crois qu’il n’y a pas de différence en Italie. « Extrême » est un adjectif, mais la droite est le lieu commun de la déshumanisation. On a vu différentes tentatives du ministère de l’intérieur pour empêcher les migrants de débarquer en Italie. Le paradoxe, c’est de constater qu’un gouvernement indigne, qui s’illustre par son inhumanité, grimpe dans les sondages. Faire face à ce gouvernement en Italie, en usant d’une parole libre, ne provoque en retour que des coups de matraque. C’est du jamais-vu. Il y a une dérive de la droite en Italie.

Ce contexte politique vous a aussi valu une lourde condamnation en 2021 – 13 ans de prison et 500 000 euros d’amende, pour « association de malfaiteurs aux fins d’immigration irrégulière ». Comment l’avez-vous vécue ?

Le 4 octobre 2018, à l’aube, j’ai vu des voitures arriver chez moi pour m’arrêter. Cela a marqué le début d’une histoire hallucinante, qui a duré presque sept ans. Quand j’ai été condamné en première instance le 30 septembre 2021, le sentiment qu’il s’agissait d’un procès politique s’est vite propagé en Italie. On m’a contraint à m’éloigner de Riace durant onze mois, alors que j’avais donné ma vie pour cette terre. Il y a eu une manifestation d’ampleur à Rome, un ex-sénateur a lancé une collecte de fonds destinée à régler l’amende dont je faisais l’objet.

La collecte a rencontré un succès fou. Mais je lui ai dit que je n’en voulais pas. Je voulais simplement continuer d’accueillir les réfugiés à Riace, et on a construit le « Village global », avec une crèche pour 12 enfants immigrés et plein d’activités. On a tout fait pour continuer de faire exister ce monde-là. J’ai donc vécu cette condamnation avec sérénité, parce que j’ai pu profiter de la solidarité de la population italienne et du reste du monde, qui se raccrochait à la seule perspective de la fraternité.

Je suis conscient que le fait qu’un petit village de Calabre puisse devenir un exemple pour l’accueil des personnes exilées a beaucoup gêné. Le modèle « Riace » a fait peur au système néolibéral. Mais l’ennemi n’est pas l’étranger ou celui qui lui vient en aide : ce n’est autre que cette nouvelle vague de fascisme qu’il y a en Europe et dans le monde, qui ne cherche qu’à fermer les frontières et à créer des forteresses. Je regrette d’avoir vu après tant d’années de propagande une forme d’égoïsme s’installer dans l’esprit des gens, tel un consensus politique.

Comment vous sentez-vous aujourd’hui, après cette réhabilitation par la justice ?

Je vais bien. Deux de mes enfants sont à Rome, le troisième habite avec mon épouse, et je suis seul à Riace. La plupart de mes proches ont vécu l’acquittement comme une libération. Au niveau local, il y a eu une solidarité immédiate, y compris de la part de personnes qui ne partageaient pas ma vision politique. Mais le plus merveilleux dans cette fin de feuilleton, ce n’est pas l’acquittement en soi, ce sont les motivations des juges. Ces derniers ont attendu 90 jours pour les rendre publiques et signifier au reste de monde qu’on ne touchera pas au message politique pour lequel je me suis battu.

Ils ont rétabli la vérité et confirmé que je n’avais pas pensé à profiter une seconde du système d’accueil que j’avais mis en place à Riace, ni que j’avais pu m’enrichir par ce biais. Ce n’est donc pas un acquittement technique ou juridique. C’est un acquittement moral. Et pour la première fois dans l’histoire des migrations, l’immigration en Italie peut enfin être regardée sous une lumière totalement opposée à celle proposée par certains politiciens. L’accueil de l’autre est enfin reconnu comme une solution et une renaissance. C’est avant tout une victoire morale, et cela vaut plus que tout.

Vous avez fait le choix de revenir en politique, en vous présentant aux municipales à Riace mais aussi aux européennes, sur la liste des Verts et de l’Alliance de gauche (Alleanza Verdi e Sinistra) – élections qui se tiendront toutes deux les 8 et 9 juin prochains. Est-ce que votre acquittement a joué dans votre décision ?

Non, car je n’ai jamais perdu ce désir d’engagement politique. La politique, pour moi, se résume à l’espoir, et je n’ai jamais été fatigué à l’idée de continuer d’espérer. Dès le départ, le Village global a été conçu comme un laboratoire politique au niveau local. Cela a d’ailleurs été l’opportunité de multiples réunions, prises de décision collectives et autres activités communes. C’est dans cette démarche que nous avons donc voulu réunir la gauche au-delà du Parti démocrate (Partito Democratico), dont Elly Schlein est la secrétaire.

Ça n’a pas été facile. Les responsables du parti n’en ont pas tenu compte, alors on a trouvé une coalition a gauche du Parti démocrate. Les Verts et l’Alliance de gauche italienne m’ont demandé si je voulais participer aux européennes. Et avec tous les camarades de Riace, on a dit oui. C’était une envie partagée, parce que les positions qu’ils défendent contre la guerre, en faveur de l’accueil des exilés ou encore pour une loi pour le salaire minimum en Italie correspondaient à mes choix politiques. Un jour, j’aimerais qu’il y ait un panneau « Village de l’accueil » un peu partout dans les communes d’Europe !

Mais force est de constater que l’on observe plutôt une politique de rejet en Europe…

À Riace, on a réussi à l’échelle d’une toute petite réalité. Un village de quatre cents habitants est désormais connu pour sa politique d’accueil. À l’échelle européenne, nous ne serons peut-être plus là pour observer ce changement de paradigme. Mais je suis persuadé que d’une petite chose peut naître une grande chose. Je suis heureux que figure sur notre liste la candidate Ilaria Salis, arrêtée par Viktor Orbán en Hongrie pour son engagement contre le fascisme. Nous avons une histoire similaire, elle se bat pour le respect des droits humains. Lorsque j’ai vu les images d’elle à la télévision, la montrant menottée, j’ai été fier de la savoir à mes côtés dans cette aventure au niveau européen.

Le pacte migratoire européen a été adopté dans la douleur il y a peu. Êtes-vous inquiet de voir cette politique de repli concrétisée à l’échelle européenne à travers ces textes ?

Ce pacte est absurde. Je n’en partage pas les objectifs, évidemment. On voit partout des tentatives d’affaiblir le droit d’asile, y compris en Italie, ou de créer des sortes de voies de déportation vers des pays tiers comme l’Albanie, où le respect des droits humains n’est pas garanti. C’est triste quand on voit ce qu’on a été capables de faire à notre petite échelle. Je pense que la droite souffre d’un syndrome de la peur de l’être humain. C’est ce qu’on observe en Italie mais aussi en Europe. Ce qu’on voudrait, c’est une nouvelle Europe qui deviendrait le salut du monde. Pas celle des barbelés, dont les politiques ont provoqué la mort de dizaines de milliers de personnes.

Pourquoi vous présenter à deux élections, à deux échelles différentes ?

C’est une question redoutable (rires). Je ne veux pas devenir un bureaucrate. Je mettrai la même conviction à l’échelle européenne et je ne ferai de concession à personne : les profits de la politique ne m’intéressent pas. Et j’ajouterai que paradoxalement, je suis d’accord avec la manière dont Matteo Salvini m’a défini un jour, lorsqu’une personne lui a demandé ce qu’il pensait de moi. Il a répondu : « Il vaut zéro. » Ça me convient assez bien, je considère que je ne suis personne. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que j’ai à cœur de poursuivre mon engagement au niveau local et européen. En Italie, la loi permet d’être à la fois maire et député européen.

Alors, bien sûr, les possibilités sont multiples : je peux être élu maire de Riace, être élu député européen ou les deux, ou pas élu du tout. Je continuerai dans tous les cas à développer le modèle Riace, et j’aimerais élargir ce modèle d’accueil à d’autres communes en Italie, et à d’autres États en Europe, un modèle en faveur de l’accueil qui permet aussi de contrer le déclin démographique. Et pour aller plus loin, j’aimerais également créer une collectivité de communes qui partagerait une monnaie unique, pour nous permettre de sortir de ce néolibéralisme, qui détruit notre économie et notre démocratie, tout en valorisant le travail fourni au sein de la communauté.

►https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/040524/acquitte-mimmo-lucano-reve-de-propager-le-modele-d-accueil-de-son-village-

#Riace #Mimmo_Lucano #Domenico_Lucano #accueil #réfugiés #migrations #Italie #Calabre #justice #acquittement #entretien #interview #solidarité #criminalisation_de_la_solidarité #villes-refuge #périple_judiciaire #condamnation #réhabilitation #libération #acquittement_moral #engagement_politique

–—

Ce fil de discussion est la suite de celui-ci :
11 octobre 2023, verdict en cour d’appel pour le #procès contre #Mimmo_Lucano, ancien maire de #Riace
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1020950

signalé par @olaf ici :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1052451

ping @_kg_

Turning walls into bridges — the transformative power of ‘unruly’ migration

When we allow ourselves to consider struggles over the Mediterranean border as resistance, a clearer picture of border abolition emerges.

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In 2015, when visiting a school occupied by refugee protestors in Berlin, activist and philosopher Angela Davis remarked: “The refugee movement is the movement of the 21st century.” In 2022, Davis returned to the city and spoke at a square that protestors had occupied a decade earlier. Standing before a jubilant crowd, Davis pointed back to the comment she had made seven years earlier, noting: “I was attempting to argue then, as I try to do today, that the refugee movement encapsulates our planet’s struggle for a better future.”

Davis’ remarks are and remain important. While certainly overstating the unified character of the refugee movement, she offered a provocation, inviting us to reflect on the political significance and transformative power of contemporary struggles over human movement. In public discourse, such significance and power are commonly downplayed or ignored, if not erased.

People on the move, for lack of a better term, are often considered victims of circumstance, who, abused and exploited, dwell in the margins of society. Portrayed as desperate and passive, their struggles to move — and often to stay — are rendered unpolitical. Such victimization is key in denuding them of political agency and meaning. As the political theorist Sandro Mezzadra once wrote: “The world of victims exists outside of politics.”

“At stake in every politics of border control is an attempt to control the borders of the political.” With this witty phrase, political theorists Angela Mitropoulos and Brett Neilson ask us to pay attention to the borders of the political and the ways in which political subjects are made and unmade. The placing of “migrantized” subjects outside the realm of the political is a bordering practice. The space of recognition seems occupied by other actors — political parties, unions, social movements.

To counteract that, Mitropoulos and Neilson propose to complicate common distinctions made between migrant movements and social movements. Instead of considering migrant movements simply “in a kinetic sense” — or as passages from one place to another — and instead of understanding social movements merely in a political and representational sense, they ask us to situate both somewhere in-between “’movement as politics’ and ‘movement as motion.’”

In the book I wrote a few years back on contemporary struggles around migration, I tried to do that. By placing the notions of “migration” and “resistance” in close proximity to one another, I was not meaning to suggest that all and any migratory acts should be considered acts of political resistance — that would be naïve and misguided. Rather, the intention was to open up a perspective, a way of seeing.

If we allowed ourselves to consider “unauthorized” forms of human movement as political — and even as some of the most important transformative practices of our time — what do we learn about the planetary regulation of human life and movement? What can we find out about forms of global injustice and the role of borders in maintaining and reinforcing these? What do we learn about political resistance itself?

As this all may sound a bit abstract, it could be helpful to look at a particular example: In the European context, the Mediterranean border has become one of the central spaces where struggles over unauthorized migration play out. For decades, the European Union and its member states have experimented with ways to militarize this border to prevent boat arrivals.

European politicians have justified deterrence measures not only by portraying people who seek to cross as all kinds of security threats, but also by considering them victims of unscrupulous smuggling gangs. In doing so, they have promoted the illusion that border “protection” could go hand-in-hand with the protection of people on the move – à la: “If you poor souls don’t move in the first place, and stay away from Europe, you don’t get exploited by smugglers and drown in the sea.”

Now, what happens if we push back against this dominant narrative and consider cross-Mediterranean movements in the register of political resistance?

For one, we see that people who board overcrowded boats are more than what Europe’s paternalistic stories turn them into. As political subjects, they engage in transgressive acts of escape that require courage, organization, knowledge, skill and solidarity among groups on the move. Through disobedient movements, they become harraga, an Arabic term describing those who “burn borders” and navigate themselves into European territory. As Amade M’charek writes:

“Harraga [is] an activity that burns state-rules: rules that stipulate that this border can only be crossed in this way and not in another; or that papers are only legal in this way and not in another. … what people engaged in harraga do is mess up boundaries.”

When we allow ourselves to consider struggles over the Mediterranean border in the register of resistance, we can also see how novel practices of solidarity have emerged. Needing to adapt to freedom of movement struggles in dangerous border zones, civil society and activist groups had to invent ways to become present in spaces often deemed not merely outside of sovereign space but even outside the realm of politics as such.

Actors like Alarm Phone (which assists people on boats in distress through an activist hotline), the civil fleet (which carries out rescue operations), or civil airplanes (which monitor the sea from above) have entered the contested space of the Mediterranean. The solidarities that have formed en route have proven important not merely for transgressive maritime movements but also for documenting horrendous forms of border violence that had previously gone unseen.

Over the past decade, the Mediterranean border has been opened up for interrogation through struggles over movement. We now have a much better understanding of the violent regulation of migration, and what Martina Tazzioli and Nicholas De Genova have called a “confinement continuum” that people on the move are confronted with: “being targeted, exploited, kidnapped, blackmailed, abused, raped, tortured and sometimes killed.”

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/y7mMShLHOBdn/rUVA4Ovw9gAPKwZgWQw3HT3USu0uC1SEXQFqfcKL.png

The harrowing border violence that has led to tens of thousands of deaths at sea is a response to disobedient movements. The Mediterranean has not only become a deathscape — due to the adverse biophysical forces at work there (the rough sea, the strong winds) — but a space of suffering due to transnational and transcontinental coalitions of border enforcers that “protect” borders, not people.

When we take a step back and consider Mediterranean migration as resistance, we can see even more. While we see how borders violently try to keep particularly racialized populations in particular places, we also get a sense of the transformative power of “unruly” migration. Over the past decade, and despite border militarization, more than 2.5 million people have subverted the Mediterranean obstacle. We can consider these transgressive movements as what I called them elsewhere: forms of “practical border abolitionism.”

People who have moved have claimed a presence in Europe, and this presence will not be eradicated. Nonetheless, in times when calls for border closure, the end to asylum, and mass deportations become increasingly mainstream — and go hand-in-hand with a normalization of violence targeting people on the move — there is a desperate need for broad coalitions of resistance. In order to collectively resist ethno-nationalist fantasies and the incredibly violent, racialized and divisive work that borders do all around our world, we need to breach the sovereign and national scripts that delimit who count as political subjects and who do not.

“Walls turned sideways are bridges,” Angela Davis once wrote. When we consider unauthorized migration in the register of resistance, we suddenly see the ones who keep turning walls into bridges: people on the move themselves.

▻https://wagingnonviolence.org/rs/2024/05/turning-walls-into-bridges-the-transformative-power-of-unruly-mig
#liberté_de_mouvement #ouverture_des_frontières #murs #ponts #Maurice_Stierl #résistance #mouvement #migrations

ping @karine4 @_kg_ @isskein

Mai 2024
~22 people stranded on an islet in the #Evros river, by #Kastanies !

The group say there are children and people who need urgent medical care. They report some of them have been pushed back to #Türkiye before and fear it happening again. @Hellenicpolice: assist them now!

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/7321b8e85-c3df53/cbZW1LlJokJz/4EoMrre6O1heU37mPXoaZkDpbnnGafVSFwROkm0c.png

#limbe #zone_frontalière #île #Evros #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #fleuve_Evros #Turquie #Grèce #Thrace #îlots
#nudité

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ajouté à la métaliste sur #métaliste sur des #réfugiés abandonnés sur des #îlots dans la région de l’#Evros, #frontière_terrestre entre la #Grèce et la #Turquie :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/953343